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On the ground of its intrinsic historic importance, 
and of the widespread interest it has attracted on 
the other side of the Atlantic, there seems to be 
good warrant for the pubHcation of an American 
edition of The Cause of the World's Unrest. 

The American pubHshers desire to make clear, 
however, that they do not accept responsibiHty 
for the soundness of the conclusions presented in 
this volume. They have issued the book because 
^ of their belief that the American reading public 
should be afforded an opportunity of examining 
nI the material. 

^* It is the contention of the author that certain of 
"^ the plans for domination outlined in the documents 
Vv upon which his volume is based have apparently 
\^ been followed in the recent movements in Russia. 
The pubHshers desire to point out, what the 
sN author of the volume has himself emphasized, that, 
*T^ while the statements presented do reflect upon the 
^ purpose and the actions of certain groups of Jews, 




and of certain groups of Freemasons, there has 
been no intention of bringing accusation against 
the Jewish race as a whole, or against the Free- 
masons as a society. 

Nbw York, Sept. 20, 1920. 


The difficulty in arriving at an accurate under- 
standing of the problem of the Jews lies in the fact 
that there is a di^tinct Tewish relig ion and a dis- 
ti nct Jewish race. Where one ends and the other 
begins, or whether both mean one and the same 
thing, are subjects which are discussed in the fol- 
lowing pages. We Gentiles, especially those of us 
who are of Anglo-Saxon origin, exact and yield the 
utmost tolerance in matters of religion. We have 
accepted the theory of citizenship which pays no 
regard to a man's religion but only asks of him, in 
return for the rights of his citizenship, a proper 
sense of its duties. Both in America and in the 
British Empire, we accord naturalization with 
freedom and we do not question the patriotism of 
the naturalized but take this for granted. Yet in 
moments of national gravity, when the State is in 
danger, especially from a foreign foe, we are in- 
clined to watch with some degree of natural sus- 
picion those in our midst who are of enemy origin. 


There have been innumerable occasions when 
the loyalty of a new citizen to his new State 
has been admirable: on the. other hand, both 
here and in America, we have found that race 
instincts have been stronger than oaths of 

But in the case of the Jews, we find a people 
which has preserved both its religious and its 
racial ideals intact through many generations of 
cruel persecution. A race which has persisted in 
spite of such terrific pressure, constantly applied 
and often without mercy or justice, must be ac- 
knowledged to be a great and virile nationahty in 
the mere fact of its persistence. But when we 
consider that this race has not merely persisted, 
but has achieved enormous power and influence in 
every civilized country, oiu* admiration is easily 
aroused. Yet there is another side to the pic- 
ture. How are you to regard these strangers 
in your midst? Are they Americans, Jewish 
Americans, or American Jews? The answer 
to this question is the solution of the Jewish 

Jews will, however, reply with assurance that 
they are not a race but a religion and that to differ- 
entiate between them and other religious bodies 


is sheer prejudice and bald Anti-Semitism. In some 
cases this claim is justified. There are in England 
Jewish f amiHes which have lived here for centuries 
and their devotion to their country is beyond 
question. It is necessary to distinguish, therefore, 
between those Jews who have definitely adopted a 
single nationality and those to whom the Jewish 
nationality is the only one that counts. How is 
one to distinguish? There again lies another 
great problem in this greater problem of Jewry in 
the world. Roughly speaking, the only way to 
mark out a line which would separate the good 
Jewish citizen from the bad Jewish citizen is to 
apply the political test. As a rule, though it is not 
without exceptions, a Jew who is politically active 
in a country is also racially active. But there are, 
of course, many Jews who are indifferent to the 
politics of the country in which they live and yet 
are ardent Jewish nationalists. In a word, be- 
cause the Jews can and do possess a dual nation- 
ality, they must remain suspect from the point of 
view of the man who acknowledges exclusive 
allegiance to a single country. This suspicion, 
which seems to me to be natural and by no 
means exaggerated, goes by the name of Anti- 


Are the great mass of Jews working towards a 
definite goal or are they mere ordinary citizens 
against whom envy, suspicion, and long-dated 
religious animosity have provoked an unfair 
prejudice? The answer to this question will be 
found ki this book. Lately there has been pub- 
lished both in America and England a translation 
of a work entitled "The Protocols of the Elders 
of Zion." It is difficult to say whether or not it 
is a genuine document. I am quite sure that, if it 
had been published in these countries ten years 
ago, it would have been received with incredulity 
and, perhaps, contempt. But today, after our 
experience of the War, the Peace Conference, and 
the doings of the Jews in Russia, it has received 
everywhere a great deal of earnest study and con- 
sideration. Many of its prophecies are being 
fulfilled before our eyes and, because of this, we 
are justified in giving to it a greater credence than 
could have been possible ten years ago. Jewish 
writers and newspapers have denied with indigna- 
tion the authenticity of the protocols. But even 
if indisputable proof were adduced tomorrow that 
they are a forgery, there would still be asked the 
same question which the protocols have provoked 
and are provoking every day. Have the Jews 


a foreig njgolyy of their own with a definite end 
in view? 

It would be difficult to d eny to that section of 
Jewry which is best described as political, a defin- 
ite national policy. There is nothing inherently 
wrong or improper in this. All that we Gentiles 
ask is that acknowledgment should be made that 
such is the case. When that is made clear, we 
can then judge whether or not such policy is to 
our advantage and we can act accordingly. Yet 
many Jews attempt to deny that they have any 
political ambitions apart from the interests of the 
country in which they live. This denial can carry 
no weight, as the re ader will acknowledge after 
reaaihg these page s. And it becomes incumbent 
upon us therefore to study the nature and scope 
of this Jewish policy in order to see how far it is 
compatible with our own national policies. This 
book is an attempt to give an outline of the po- 
litical aims and objectives of political Jewry. But 
a word of warning is necessary. Political Jewry 
does not comprise all Jewry. There are many 
Jewish citizens both in America and here who 
differ from the rest of us only in their religion. A 
blind Anti-Semitism directed against all Jews is 
both bad policy and an act of injustice to Jewry. 


But while we must be just, we must also be firm 
in our determination not to allow a duality of 
national policy in one and the same citizen. 


Editor The Morning Post, 
September, 1920. 


Those who have studied their history must at 
times have been astonished at the ease with which 
popular movements, honest and sincere in them- 
selves, have been manipulated by clever and 
unscrupulous men to their own personal advantage 
or to further their own political aspirations. The 
people have throughout the ages presented a 
pathetic spectacle. Time and again they have 
been used with most barefaced effrontery as a 
means of producing results which they them- 
selves never desired. Indeed, in many cases, 
they have suffered terribly from their own achieve- 
ments. Nothing is more pitiful than the persistent 
betrayal of the people by their leaders and nothing 
more splendid than the people's refusal to believe 
it. In earlier history popular movements were 
difficult to create and direct imless they were 
purely local. Kings, princes, governors stood 
between the masses and their exploiters. Dis- 
tances, too, were great in the days before railways, 


and communication was diflficult. But, roughly- 
speaking, the people were prevented by established 
authority from being victimized. Today all that 
is changed, and we now Hve in an age which will be 
known, perhaps, in history as the age of the ex- 
ploitation of the people. 

This exploitation of the people has in later 
years become something of a fine art. TVi^^ pn^F 
machine, which was at first merely the instrument 
by which a party tried to impress its views on the 
electors, has in many cases taken charge of the 
party, so that .this machine and not its leaders 
decides what shall or what shall not form part of 
the programme. Battl e cries, ' ' s l ogans. ' ' j iphras es, 
and catchwords, deliberate ly fram ed so that t hey 
should conceal the truth o r create a false impression 
have now become part of nearly every poHtical 
campaign. Do our politicians ever ponder over 
this surprising fact, that the greatest response to a 
semi-political appeal that England has ever seen 
took place in 1 914-15, when the call was to go out 
to death? And they have so Httle knowledge of 
the people they govern that they are surprised 
when the most tempting of battle cries, telHng the 
people how much they can haye for the mere ask- 
ing, remain without result. The explanation of 


this is simple enough and yet it is far too high for 
the understanding of the mere politician. It con- 
sists in this truth, that the people of this country- 
can only be really roused by an appeal to their 
better nature. That is the strength of England. 

We are seeing today how the exploitation of 
the people can be achieved with comparative ease 
because the people throughout the civiHzed world 
is enfranchised and there is no one to stand be- 
tween the exploiters and the exploited. If we look 
back in history, we shall find that the disappear- 
ance of this intermediate influence has not been 
altogether fortuitous. There have been kings 
who exploited their people just as Lenin is today 
exploiting the Russian people, but they have 
mostly paid forfeit with their thrones, as Lenin one 
day will pay forfeit with his life. But the tempta- 
tion to get at the people and to use them for ends 
to which they are indifferent and of which they are 
ignorant has been great. The pages of this book 
will trace the threads of a conspiracy engineered 
by people whose main object has been to destroy 
utterly anything — kings, governments, or institu- 
tions — which might stand between them and the 
people they would exploit. 

Many who read the story of this subterranean 


scheming as it is unfolded in this book may perhaps 
be disinclined to admit the correctness of the 
author's statements because of the startling con- 
clusions to which they lead up. But I would urge 
the reader to cast aside all prejudices and to judge 
the facts brought out on their merits as facts and 
to suggest, if he can, other conclusions. The main 
outline of the contents of this book is, in brief, 
that there has been for centuries a hidden con- 
spiracy, chiefly Jewish, whose objects have been 
and are to produce revolution, communism, and 
anarchy, by means of which they hope to arrive at 
the hegemony of the world by establishing some 
sort of despotic rule. 

The "Protocols of the Elders of Zion, " an edi- 
tion of which has been pubHshed in England, have 
aroused tremendous interest and a storm of protest. 
It wiU be noticed by the reader that the editors 
of the volume have taken particiilar care not to 
assume the authenticity of these protocols. They 
may or may not be genuine. Their present im- 
portance lies in the fact that, while the book which 
contains them was pubHshed in 1905, the Jewish 
Bolsheviks are today carrying out almost to the 
letter the programme outlined in the protocols. 

I have said that this secret revolutionary move- 


ment seems to have been engineered chiefly by 
Jews. It is about time that somebody spoke out 
frankly on this subject. I myself have several 
Jew friends. One of them I shall always remember 
witii gratitude, for he would give me no peace in 
the years before the war until he had convinced me 
of the German danger. At his own expense he 
despatched a man to visit the various dockyards 
of Germany and the information thus obtained 
was found extremely useful. Now this man is as 
good a patriot as I am, but I say that there are 
certain bad Jews who have conspired and are con- 
spiring against stable government ; I point out that 
over 80 per cent, of the present Bolshevik Govern- 
ment are Jews, and that the Bolshevik movement 
outside Russia is chiefly directed by Jews. 

If I cast doubt upon the political integrity of 
any Jew, or even if I disagree with his policy, I am 
dubbed an anti-Semite. This is not just. I accuse 
the Jews themselves of creating anti-Semitism and 
I will proceed to give my reasons. 

The Jews are justly proud of their race, which, 
in spite of every sort of dijBficulty, has not only 
persisted throughout the ages, but has achieved a 
position of great power and influence in nearly 
every civilized country. Persecution and outside 


pressiire have taught them to stand together, and 
the tradition of unity is as strong, if not stronger, 
today. They may quarrel among themselves, but 
they unite instantly and almost unconsciously 
against any criticism from outside. The result is 
that a critic of a prominent individual Jew or of a 
particular Jewish policy, who begins with no sort 
of prejudice against Jewry, finds arrayed against 
him the serried and united ranks of Jewry. It is no 
use his declaring that his objections are not to 
Jewry, but to a particular Jew or a particular 
Jewish policy. He is dubbed an anti-Semite, with 
a consequence that he has to accept the epithet 
and, in some cases, on the principle of the dog with 
the bad name, promptly proceeds to justify it. 

I will give a concrete instance of this. A few 
months ago, as a result of the Peace Conference, 
Great Britain accepted a mandate for Palestine, 
and, true to her word, proceeded to carry out her 
promise to provide a home for Jews in that country. 
At the present moment the population of Palesti ne 
consists of 80 per cent. Arab s and 20 per ce nt. 
Christians, Jews, and other religions. The Arabs 
are m a highly excited state of mind, because they 
know of the intention of the British Government 
to afford Jews a home in Palestine. Naturally they 


are asking each other what is to become of them 
if the Jews come into their country in great ntim- 
bers. They are not ignorant of the fact that there 
has been started a great Jewivsh fund of £25,000,000 
to aid the immigration of j ews into their country. 
The situation is a highly deHcate one. On the 
one hand is the declared British policy, on the 
other the Arab inhabitants, fearful about their 
fate. To deal with such a critical state of things 
tact and, above all, impartiality was required. 
The British Government for some extraordinary 
reason appointed Sir Herbert Samuel, a Jew, to be 
High Commissioner for Palestine. In the opinion 
of the Morning Post it was a dangerous and an 
improper appointment. Were Sir Herbert Samuel 
the greatest of men and a very Solomon for wisdom, 
the appointment would still be a gross mistake, 
for even the loftiest motives and the most impar- 
tial application of justice were bound to be mis- 
understood. I have never yet met in private 
conversation a Jew or a Christian who defended 
the appointment. Yet when the Morning Post 
protested against it, the Jewish papers came out 
with bitter attacks, and with the usual accusations 
of anti-Semitism. Cannot the good Jews see that 
this is a mistaken policy? It creates, as I said, 


before, anti-Semitism. The objection to Sir 
Herbert Samuel's appointment was justified on 
every count. If the British Government had 
proposed Sir Edward Carson as Viceroy of Ireland, 
that step would be exactly on all fours with the 
choice of a Jew as High Commissioner of Palestine. 
Surely criticism of such an obviously unwise de- 
cision might have passed without arousing the 
stupid cry of anti-Semitism. 

The question which every reader of this book 
will want to have answered is whether there is a 
Jewish Peril and, if so, what are its ramifications. 
That there is a Jewish Peril I have no sort of 
doubt, but we must guard ourselves against gen- 
erahzations. It is_£aax— to prove that a certa in 
secti on of the Jews in the world ar£-£ngag£dJii a 
mighty attem pt to destroy the established rule in 
many c onn trips i^pd^to bring t his worl(^ ifitjo cqp i- 
mimis tic brotherho od. The thing is taking place 
bSoreour eyes. But it would be downright 
wicked to ascribe to Jewry as a whole this mad 
and dangerous policy. In that direction lies the 
danger, the hideous danger of a violent and indis- 
criminate anti-Semitism. It must be averted by 
the Jews themselves. The honest, patriotic Jews 
must come forward and denounce and no longer 


defend the revolutionaries of their race. They 
should refuse to approve of any policy which tends 
to undermine the pillars of civilized society, for 
the time has come when there can be no sitting on 
the f en ce ; those who are not with us are against us. 
The pages of this book wil l tell the tale of this 
conspiracy against civilization — for that is really 
what it amounts to. Perhaps I may be excused 
if I give a brief summary of the circumstances and 
the deductions irresistibly proceeding from them 
which brought one to the conclusion that the causes 
of the present world's unrest were not fortuitous 
but the result of a definite plan. When the war 
broke out, it seemed, and I believe it was, a simple, 
plain, straightforward struggle between a people 
whose pride in their warlike achievements had 
forced them along the direction of a world he- 
gemony and the countries who refused to accept it. 
During the war it was impossible to shut one's 
eyes to the fact that a ^ertain section of the Tews 
did not desire to see Germanv vanquishejd . The 
"peace without victory" suggestion had many 
supporters in international circles where Jews had 
influence. Again, I must warn the reader that he 
must not accept this statement as a suggestion 
that Jewry throughout the war was pro-German. 


But it is true that there was observable in certain 
Jewish circles a tenderness for Germany which w e 
could not understand. Then came the Peace 
Conference in Paris, where this tenderness for 
Germany became more and more marked. The 
theory which prevailed at the Armistice that Ger- 
many had offended against himianity and there- 
fore had to be pimished, just as a man is hanged 
for murder, was displaced gradually by sugges- 
tions that leniency was the best policy. All that 
the ordinary man could make of it all was that 
Germany was getting off remarkably lightly. 

Later on at the Conference we come to a phase 
in the proceeding where it is possible to say that 
Jewish influence did materially affect the policy 
of the Allies. I refer to Poland, and I do not make 
this assertion at random, but I base it on the 
speeches and statements of Jews themselves or 
Jewish newspapers. 

The policy of the Allied and Associated Powers 
was avowedly the creation of a strong Poland. No 
cotmtry can be strong in these days of commerce 
and industry unless it has an outlet on the sea 
Therefore, it was obvious from the first that Dant- 
zig must be part of the newly constituted Poland. 
Again, no coimtry can hope to remain strong unless 


it has full powers of government over all its in- 
habitants within its boundaries. From the very 
outset it was obvious timt there was going to be a 
desperate struggle in Paris to defeat all attempts 
to create a strong Poland. The J ew s openly threw 
t heir influ ence on the anti-Poli sh side . The Jewish 
Delegation sat ' tnrouglioui tne Conference and 
strained every nerve to deny Dantzig to the Poles 
and to create special privileges for the Tews in 
P oland. In this matter Jewish policy was in op- 
position to British policy. Our Foreign Office, 
which has been subjected to a most deliberate and 
subtle campaign of calumny, declared in Paris 
that Dantzig was the test of our policy, and that a 
free and strong Polish Government was essential 
in British interests. Here our interests and Jewish 
interests were at variance. We are entitled to ask 
what was the attitude of British Jews at this crisis. 
Were they British first and Jews afterwards, or 
Jews first — British afterwards? Is it a mere 
accident that at the moment I write the whole 

force of Bo lshevism in thi?^ ro^intrv is ^|fin|y nr. 

ganized to fo rce our Govern ment to allow Russia 
to occupy Warsaw? 

AH this time the Jewish Junta in Russia was 
working with feverish activity to extend its loath- 


some propaganda in other countries. With the 
Armistice came two Bolshevist attempts in our 
country. Glasgow and Belfast tried to put into 
practice here the theories of Bolshevism. These 
attempts were dead failures, and it was obvious 
that Sovietism would not be carried by a coup de 
main in this country. So our enemies and the 
enemies of civilization, the Jew Bolsheviks, de- 
termined upon another plan. There was nothing 
secret in this. The substitution of a slower system 
of undermining civilization in this country was an- 
nounced from the housetops, so to speak. Here 
are the Jew-Bolsheviks' orders to their sym- 
pathizers in this country : 

"If such elements (Bolsheviks and Spar- 
tacists) increase in numbers and strength, 
everything may get changed. At first it is 
necessary: (i) The centre of gravity of the 
struggle must be outside of Parliaments (strikes, 
revolts, insurrections, etc.); (2) the struggle 
inside the Parliaments must be closely connected 
with the struggle outside; (3) the representa- 
tives must take part in general organization 
work; (4) the representatives must act by 
directions of the Central Committee and be 
responsible to it; (5) they must not conform to 
the ParHamentary manners and customs. 


"We have to state again that the most vital 
part of the struggle must be outside of ParHa- 
ment — on the street. It is clear that the most 
effective weapons of the workers against Capital- 
ism are : The strike, the revolt, armed insurrec- 
tion. Comrades have to keep in mind the follow- 
ing: Organization of the Party, instalment of 
the Party groups in the Trade Unions, leader- 
ship of the masses, etc. Parliamentary activities 
and participation in elections must be used only 
as a secondary measure — no more." {Call, 
April 22, 1920.) 

It required no very intelligent reading of events 
to guess at such a plot without this clear and 
precise declaration of policy. The disastrous re- 
sults were quite plain and obvious, and a definite 
plan was revealed to the most careless of observers. 
From the day of the Armistice until today not a 
single week has passed without a strike. Industry 
is thoroughly unsettled and the future is dark 
indeed. The aim of these wreckers is to produce 
by the next winter such general unemployment as 
to ensure a discontented population on which to 
work. It is a diabolical plan, but, from their point 
of view, it is by no means a difficult one to achieve. 
The exploitation of the people has been brought to 
a fine art. Every one of these men is an advocate 


of despotic government, but they work under the 
flag of extreme democracy, anarchy, or commun- 
ism. Posing as the friends of the working classes, 
they impose upon them with an ease which is 
disturbing. The British working man is one of 
the most loyal creatures alive, and perhaps the 
most credulous. He will give generous support 
to those who can persuade him that they are 
concerned only for his welfare. He gets daily 
and weekly evidence of the success of their en- 
deavours. Wages are increased, and with each 
increase the working man rubs his hands with 
satisfaction, and blesses the people who have 
wrung it out of the hated capitalist. He does 
not see that, without increased production, in- 
creased wages will kill the industry from which 
he draws his wages. The Jew-Bo lshevik po licy 
is to kill that industry, so that unemployment 
want, and discontent will ensue. Read the 
old revolutionary maxim, on which they act 
today ; 

"Want and opinion are the two agents which 
make all men act. Cause the want, govern 
opinions, and you will overturn all the existing 
systems, however well constituted they may 


Let us see to it that here in this country they 
shall not have success. Yet we shall do well to 
bear in mind Karl Marx's declaration of policy in 
regard to this country, as quoted by Mrs. Webster. 
In 1870 he sent the following message to the In- 
ternationale at Geneva: 

1. England is the only country in which a real 
Socialistic revolution can be made. 

2. The English people cannot make this revo- 

3. Foreigners must make it for them. 

4. The foreign members, therefore, must retain 
their seats at the London board. 

5. The point to strike at first is Ireland, and in 
Ireland they are ready to begin their work. 

Ten years ago this would have been regarded 
as midsummer madness. Today the case of 
Ireland gives to this message the aspect of a 
prophecy almost fulfilled. We should do well, 
however, to keep our eyes on conditions in Eng- 
land, Scotland, and Wales. The destruction of our 
industries is going on apace. Our industrial exist- 
ence is dependent upon having a large field of 
exportation. We least of all nations can continue 
to exist by "taking in each other's washing.". At 
the present moment we are filling up the huge 


void in our home market caused by the war. These 
needs will soon be met, and we shall then have to 
seek markets for our goods in South America, 
some parts of Europe, the Far East, and in our own 
Dominions. In these markets, which are neutral, 
we shall find rivals and shall have to expect severe 
competition. Mr. Smillie and his miners' execu- 
tive have increased the price of everything into 
which coal enters as a part of its manufacture, so 
that our prices are enhanced and foreign mer- 
chants will be driven to cheaper markets at our 
expense. As it is, our manufacturers cannot give 
firm quotations. They find themselves forced by 
the disturbed industrial position in this country 
to insert saving clauses in their contracts. Just 
at the present moment, with such leeway to make 
good, foreign and neutral buyers are willing to 
put up with the inconveniences of varying prices, 
but this cannot last long. Those of our manufac- 
turers who have a long view are most pessimistic, 
and there are signs of increasing unemployment in 
the near future. 

This unemployment — the constant dread of the 
working man — is, in my opinion, deliberately created 
by the hotheads of Labour. When the war ended, 
even with the high prices of labotu*, a prolonged 


period of industrial progress and prosperity was in 
sight. Labour could have, and no doubt would 
have, secure 1 its fair share, but Labour is losing 
the opporti. lity, and distress, poverty, and un- 
employment threaten us. The moderate Labour 
leader knows the danger, and has fought stoutly 
for his men. But a wave of mad communism — the 
work of the Jew-Bolsheviks — has caught up a 
powerful section of Labour, and there is not even 
any pretence now of safeguarding the interests of 
the working man. It is all a political game — 
nationalization, direct action, and open revolution. 
What do they want, these people? A new heaven 
and a new earth, fashioned after their ideals? 
They seek the "proletarian dictatorship" — what- 
ever that may mean. Governments and theories 
of government must always be judged by their 
result. If the Jew-Bolsheviks had produced a 
system by which the governed were happier, freer, 
and more prosperous than the peoples under other 
systems, there would be every excuse for any 
attempt to imitate them. But in Russia trade s 
u nionism has been Rl^^mp^rl n^jj. religion mocked, 
liberty denied, and the will of the autocracy of the 
Soviets impressed on everybody. It is a system of 
rule by terror. Whoever holds an opinion contrary 


to the Soviet Government is executed or im- 
prisoned. Disease is rampant, and from all 
accounts which we get from Russia, never was 
any country in such a desperately unhappy state. 
And this is what our extremists want for us? 

But is it? Communism, anarchy, and the 
"dictatorship of the people" are words and con- 
vey nothing to the student of history and poUtics. 
They are mere terms used to describe phrases of 
political or popular movements. When they are 
achieved, there still remains a permanent system of 
government to devise. We must credit the leaders 
of Bolshevism with the power of seeing further than 
their noses, as the common phrase goes. Indeed, 
some of them are gifted with a very high intelU- 
gence, though they seem to possess a low moral 
standard. They have worked it out to the nth 
degree. Communism cannot in the nature of 
things be the final end of their hopes and dreams. 
They know better perhaps than the highest of 
high old Tories that it is not, and can never be, 
a permanent system of government. Indeed, in 
Russia, they have by their acts acknowledged that 
this is so. As for anarchy, it used to be a favourite 
subject among the old Russian Nihilists, but it 
has disappeared from all political programmes of 


the Reds, and does not exist now, even as a politi- 
cal dream. There remains the "dictatorship of 
the p Ipe." Luckily for us, it is not necessary 
to p' xider v^eeply over the meaning of this. Being 
in actual and active existence in Moscow, we can 
see exactly what it means, how it works, and the 
main results. This system of government, so 
alluring to the working man, and so utterly ini- 
mical to his interests, i s run by a few men who have 
usurped authorit y and have relegated the working 
classes to a position of serfdom, and are now work- 
ing with all seriousness for the hegemony of the 
world. And 80 per cent, of them are Jews. 

It would be unfair and un-English to argue 
from this that all Jews are Bolsheviks. But we 
may fairly say that the time has come when every 
country in the world is entitled to ask its Jews 
what policy they intend to pursue towards this 
new and alarming danger. Here is a huge country, 
of enormous resources and illimitable wealth, being 
run t^Y a company of Jews on a_SYsteni_w liich can 
best be described as the denial of democracy. It 
aims at spreading this abominable theory through- 
out the world. This is the boast of their own men, 
not our mere statement. In every country are to 
be found today representatives of Sovietism, Jew 


and Gentile, working feverishly and with excel- 
lent organization. In England we are se ing daily 
the results of the propaganda. BoLshe- ists here 
openly declare their intentions to ha' 3 Soviet 
government, and they possess a paper, the Daily 
Herald, which is frankly and utterly Bolshevist. 
The political Jew, who is working for his nation 
and not for his religion, is active. He is everywhere 
working with extraordinary activity towards the 
furtherance of Bolshevist plans. Is it not time to 
ask those of our Jewish fellow citizens who do not 
share the views of their fellows to speak out 
openly and fearlessly? 

The attitude of the English Jews is one of sur- 
prise that their religion should subject them to sus- 
picion or differential treatment of any kind. They 
say in effect, "Why are we treated differently from 
Roman Catholics, Wesleyans, Methodists, Church 
of England, or any other religious community?" 
Recently in the Jewish Guardian (March 26, 1920) 
the attitude of English Jewry was thus described. 

"Judaism is a religion, not a nation. It was 
to Jews as members of a religious body that 
national rights have been vindicated at the 
Peace Conference ; and it is by Jews as members 
of a religious body that Judaism will be guarded." 


These are admirable sentiments,, most of which 
every tolerant and generous Englishman will 
endorse. But perhaps he might ask the meaning 
of the phrase: "It was to Jews as members of a 
religious body that national rights have been 
vindicated at the Peace Conference." We pre- 
sume that the writer intended to convey the idea 
that the Peace Conference insisted on the Jews of 
Roumania and Poland having special rights, be- 
cause they were a religious community and not 
because they were a separate national entity. But 
later on in the same article we have a remarkable 
passage which tends to prove that there are a large 
number of Jews who desire a distinct nationaHty 
for themselves, apart altogether from their reHgion. 

"Now, is this the poHcy of the Zionists, not 
to deprive Western Jews of nationaHty, but to 
acquire for such Eastern Jews as want it the 
opportunity of developing a civic sentiment, 
repressed and held in check where they dwell? 
If so, we would ask them four questions: (i) 
How far is this policy modified by the Minority 
Treaties enacted and to be enacted, and by the 
just desire to give them a fair trial? (2) How 
do the Zionist leaders propose to inform their 
followers and others that Jewish 'Nationalism' 
outside Palestine is a mistaken term, without 


foothold in the present, or justification in the 
past, cr security in the future? (3) Are they 
willing that Palestinians of other races and 
other creeds should share with Jews die civic 
sense of Palestine? And (4) how do they pro- 
pose to conciliate the help and co-operation of the 
many Jews, in whose behalf we are writing, who, 
untouched, as they are, by political Zionism, are 
willing, even anxious, to assist in the restoration 
of Palestine?" 

It is obvious, then, that there is a large and 
powerful section of Jews w ho cling to their na- 
tion ality as much as they do to their religio n. 
Indeed, the whole controversy in this matter boils 
down to the answer to the question, "Are Jews 
working as a distinct race or merely as members of 
a distinct religion?" 

Let us try to seek the answer to this question 
from the Jews themselves. The Jewish Guardian 
is out and away the ablest Jewish paper published 
in England. We must bear testimony to its fair- 
ness, broad-mindedness, and general excellence. 
It must be remembered that it was founded only 
last year as a protest against the curious attitude 
of the other Jewish papers. In effect it is anti- 
Zionist and anti-revolutionary. It stands in rare 


contrast to the narrowness and bitterness of its 
Jewish rivals. Also the Guardian commands the 
services of some of the best pens in British Jewry. 
In a leading article published August 6th of this 
year it refers to the question of nationality. 

"We have never disguised our conviction, 
unpopular in places though it has been, that 
Zionism (or, more precisely, Zionist 'hotheads,' 
as Lord Curzon recently described them) 
brought grist to the mill of those anti-Semites 
who pretend that Jews are duo-national. The 
confusion between the philosophic 'nationalism,' 
which Mr. Leon Simon has expounded in a 
recent book, and the common nationality of 
the subjects of one ruler such as King George, 
has been as unfortunate as it is illogical. We 
still hold that wiser counsels might have avoided 
it, and that Jewish leaders, jealous for the good 
name of other adherents to Judaism than the 
Zionists, should always have been careful to dis- 
tinguish between the two uses of one word." 

Here we see the recognition of the accusation 
that the Jews are a nation and the attempt to meet 
it by Mr. Leon Simon. The Jewish Guardian is 
certainly "up against" the same accusation, and 
very gallantly, and we believe sincerely, tries to 
prove that Judaism is a religion pure and simple. 


But facts are against it, and alas! facts from its 
own pages. 

Some time in June, the Maccabeans honoured 
Mr. Lucien Wolf at thr Holbom Restaurant by 
inviting him to a banqi . i. The event is described 
in the Jewish Guardian of Jtme nth. Here is the 
first sentence: 

"Honour to whom honour is due, and all 
honour to Mr. Lucien Wolf, the man who fought 
for Jewish rights at Versailles last year." 

Now what precisely do the words "Jewish 
rights" mean? If Judaism is a reUgion was there 
any need to fight for its rights, since no country in 
the world offers any obstacle to the exercise of his 
religion by any one of its nationals? So we con- 
clude that the "rights" were political and w e see 
t he Tewis fli nQ\t\W'" ^\ ^rr^Ar If Mr. Lucien Wolf 
receives the thanks of Jewry for fighting for Jewish 
rights at Versailles, then Sir Herbert Samuel will, 
no doubt, do his best to deserve the same thanks 
for his fight for Jewish rights in Palestine. 

Later on in the same accoimt we come across 
another significant passage. Here it is : 

"The second (message) was a letter from Mr. 
Israel Zangwill, pimgent and self-reminiscent, 


but with truth at the bottom of it, as usual. 
'The Mmority Treaties were the touchston e of 
the League of Nation s, that essentially Jewish 
as-biration . And the man behind the Minonty 
Treaties was Lucien Wolf.'" 

I have italicized the description of the League 
of Nations as being "that essentially Jewish as- 
piration." Was the establishment of the League 
of Nations a religious or a political question? 
Siu"ely, by no stretch of imagination or sophistry, 
can the League of Nations be regarded as a re- 
ligious matter. It was political, and again we see 
the Jewish nation at work. 

In returning thanks for the many kind things 
said of him at the banquet, Mr. Lucien Wolf's 
reply is thus described : 

"Then came the sharing of the praise, first 
to the Alliance Israelite, then to the Americans, 
then to the statesmanship and goodwill of the 
Conference itself. The Anglo-Jewish members 
of the Delegation might claim that the first 
detailed plan of the Minority Treaties was their 
own. They discussed it with members of the 
Commission on New States, but the governing 
principle had first been accepted from them (my 


italics) by the Allied and Associated Powers and 
by the League of Nations. Though in the ex- 
citement of hearing the Main Treaties all else 
might be weU lost for the r.ioment, he would 
remind them that the principle laid dc^wn in 
the preamble to the Labour Convention, which 
secured the rights of the working classes and 
guaranteed them the protection of the League 
of Nations, recognized that the rights of mi- 
nority populations were on exactly the same 

Here is the political Jew at work for the Jewish 
nation. There is nothing deserving of blame in 
this. If poHtical and intensely national Jews care 
to combine to secure privileges and rights for their 
co-nationals throughout Europe, they deserve weU 
of Jewry, but the Jewish Guardian must not talk 
nonsense of Judaism being only a religion. It may 
be that, but in addition it is a strong, active polit- 
ical force, pulling strings in every cotmtry for th e 

It is here we join issue with those Jews who do 
not concern themselves with the poUtical and 
national aims and aspirations of their co-religion- 
ists. We want to know how we are to distinguish 
between the good citizen Jew and the poHtically 


minded Jew who works for Jewry, right or wrong. 
In this country there are many Jews holding 
important political offices. We want to know for 
certain that if at any time British interests and 
Jewish interests clash he will be British first and 
Jewish aft erward s. How are we to kno\^ this? 
I have shown and this book will show much more 
amply the great political activity of the Jews. 
Cannot the good Jews see that it is difficult for us 
to tolerate this imcertainty, especially with the 
world in its present state of tmrest? We are 
gradually being forced to deny to Jews political 
office, unless we can be quite sure that it will be 
exercised on behalf of our coimtry and Empire 
and not on behalf of the Jewish race throughout 
the world. We have seen at the Peace Conference 
the extraordinary and most successful workings 
of the Jews among the delegates, and this book 
will prove that their efforts were almost entirely 
directed towards safeguarding purely Jewish in- 
terests. It is impossible not to be amused at the 
assertion of Mr. Lucien Wolf that the principle 
laid down in the preamble to the Labour Conven- 
tion, which secured the rights of the working classes 
and guaranteed them the protection of the League 
of Nations, recognized that the rights of minority 


populations were on exactly the same plane. 
Taken to pieces this means that in order to secure 
privilege for the minorities {i.e , the ]ewr) it was 
found best to camouflage this step under the guise 
of "securing the rights of the working classes*' 
and guaranteeing them "the protection of the 
League of Nations" — that essentially Jewish 
aspiration. Fancy our working men needing the 
protection of the League of Nations, or the work- 
ing classes in any other coimtry! 

This is the Jewish Peril, that a great ntmiber 
of Jews, owning various nationaHties and in some 
cases rising to great political power, are working 
for the rights of the Jewish nation. If there should 
come occasions to such a Jew when the safety, 
honour, and welfare of the country of which he is 
a national are opposed to the safety, honour, and 
welfare of the Jewish nation, on which side will he 
throw the weight of his influence and power? 
That tmcertainty is not lessened by the spectacle 
of a Jew-Bolshevik Government or by the remem- 
brance of Jewish national activity in Paris and 
elsewhere. If by giving expression to this policy 
of alarm and suspicion that is felt by many of my 
fellow citizens, I am to be dubbed "anti-Semite" 
by the Jewish Press, then I suppose I must put up 


with the epithet. But as long as I see a possibility 
of the interests of this country and Empire being 
risked by uncertain allegiance, so long will I con- 
tinue to denounce it. 


Morning Post Office, 
Atigust, 1930. 

The Cause of World Unrest 

CHAPTER r-- *• ' '■■'• 

In the House of Commons, on*'N6veiriber S/iyi^, 
Mr. Winston Churchill gave a very remarkable 
account of the Russian Revolution. He began by- 
quoting a passage from Ludendorff's book on the 
war. It occurs in volume ii., page 509: 

"By sending Lenin to Russia [says Luden- 
dorff], our Government did moreover assume a 
great responsibility, but from the military point 
of view his journey was justified. Russia had to 
be laid low. But our Government should have 
seen to it that we were not also involved in her 

So far Ludendorff . Let us now see what Mr. 
Churchill has to say upon the implications of this 
passage : 

"Lenin was sent into Russia by the Germans 
in the same way that you might send a phial con- 


taining a culture of typhoid or of cholera to be 
poured into the water supply of a great city, and it 
worked with amazing accuracy. No sooner did 
Lenin arrive than he began beckoning a finger here 
and a finger there to obscure persons in sheltered 
retreats in New York, in Glasgow, in Berne, and 
other countries, and he gathered together the 
leading spirits of a formidable sect, the most for- 
midable sect in the world, of which he was the high 
priest and chief. With these spirits around him he 
set to work with demoniacal abiHty to tear to 
pieces every institution on which the Russian 
State depended. Russia was laid low. Russia 
had to be laid low. She was laid low in the dust. 

"Colonel Ward — But she is not dead yet. 

"Mr. J. Jones — Why did you not declare war 
on him? 

"Mr. Churchill — Her national life was com- 
pletely ruined; the fruits of her sacrifices were 
thrown away. She was condemned to long in- 
ternal terrors, and menaced by famine. . . . Her 
sufferings are more fearful than modern records 
hold, and she has been robbed of her place among 
the great nations of the world." 

Now let us carefully consider this gloomy, im- 
pressive, and almost terrifying passage. What 
does it mean? It means, first of all, that the 
German Imperial Government used an organiza- 


tion — "the most formidable sect in the worlc^ '* — 
for the destruction of Russi a. Secondly — ^as we 
also gather from Ludendorff — the German Gov- 
ernment ran a great risk — "assumed a great 
responsibility" — in letting loose this mysterious 
power. Thirdly, Ludendorff seems to suggest 
that the German Government handled this power 
clumsily, so that they were also brought down by 
it. Fourthly — and here we come to Mr. Churchill 
— the sect was not German only or Russian: its 
leading spirits were drawn from New York, 
Glasgow, Berne, and other countries. 

It was a power outside Germany, a power out- 
side Russia: it was a world-wide power. And it 
was a power strong enough to bring Russia down, 
and also, if we are right in our interpretation of 
Ludendorff's words, to bring down the Imperial 
German Government and the House of Hohen- 

What was it? 

Before attempting to answer this question, 
let us make another quotation, this time from an 
author long dead. The Abbe Barruel wrote his 
Memoirs of Jacobinism towards the end of the 
eighteenth century. The English translation was 
pubUshed in 1 797-1 798. The Abb6 traced the 


origin of the French Revolution through a bewil- 
dering maze of secret societies, French and Ger- 
man, chiefly Masonic or pseudo- Masonic in form, 
and all inspired by a common plan. He suggested 
that the jparent sect of the Revolution was th e 
Illuminati f ounded by the famo us "Spartacus" 
'Weishaupt in Bavaria in 1776, and after describing 
the sinister activities of this and other organiza- 
tions of a similar kind, he warned his readers in 
these remarkable words: 

» " You thought the Revolution ended in France, 
^Ik^i A^ ^^^ *^® Revolution in France was only the first 
i Y attempt of the Jacobins. In the desires of a terrible 

and formidable sect, you have only reached the 
first stage of the plans it has formed for that 
general Revolution which is to overthrow all 
thrones, all altars, annihilate all property, efface 
all law, and end by dissolving all society." 

Now, the Abb6 Barruel's book caused a great 
sensation at the time, and became the centre of a 
great controversy — both in Europe and America — 
now almost, if not qtiite forgotten. Among those 
who attempted to answer Barruel was Jean Joseph 
Moimier, famous in the early stages of the Revolu- 
tion as President of the National Assembly. 


Mounier was one of those Liberal-Constitution- 
alists who seem doomed to be the dupes of the 
Revolutions over whose early stages they preside. 
Mounier then wrote a reply ^ to Barruel. In 
this reply Mounier pointed out that the Illuminati 
had been dissolved in 1787. 

"How, therefore [he asked], could it have pro- 
duced the Revolution of France which began in 
1789? True, we have been assured that it was 
continued in more secret forms ; but this assertion 
is out of all probability. . . . They who say the 
order still exists ought to give up the attempt to 
persuade the Germans of it, who are witnesses of 
the conduct of those who established it. . . . If 
we are to believe the writings of Dr. Robison and 
M. Barruel, the systems of M. Weishaupt were 
diffused with the rapidity of the electric fluid." 

Here surely is a passage upon which Time 
sheds a strong and dramatic light. 

In 1 80 1 no German believes that the followers of 
" Spartacus " still exist as a secret society. In 1918 
they come out of their shadows and attempt a 
Revolution in Berlin! 

In 1 80 1 it is abstu*d to suppose that a secret 

* Influence of the Philosophers, Free-Masons, and Illuminants on 
the Revolution in France (1801). 


society, a "formidable sect," could spread from 
Germany to France "with the rapidity of the 
electric fluid. " In 191 9 Mr. Churchill asserts that 
Revolution was carried from Germany to Russia 
"in the same way that you might se^ ' a phial 
containing a culture of typhoid." 

Barruel then is justified by time. '. i .ve shall 
presently show, he finds support in tiie researches 
of modern history. The French Revolution — ^like 
the Russian Revolution — was actuated by a for- 
midable sect — "the most formidable sect in the 

The proofs of this statement we must reserve 
for a subsequent chapter. In the meantime let us 
merely state the question which these papers will 
attempt to answer. 

What is this "formidable sect" of which Bar- 
ruel speaks in the eighteenth century, of which 
Mr. Churchill speaks in the twentieth? Is it the 
same then as now? That is a disturbing question. 
Upon the answer may rest the safety of England — 
of Christianity — and of the civilization based on 

"The appalling thing," says Lord Acton in his 
Essays on the French Revolution, "is not the tumult 
but the design. Through all the fire and smoke 


we perceive the evidence of calculating organiza- 
tion. The managers remain studiously concealed 
and masked, but there is no doubt about their 
presence from the first." 

What was this calculating organization? Lord 
Acton does not answer. He was too absorbed in 
his pre-occupation of Constitutionalism — that 
will-o'-the-wisp which all our Whig historians are 
eternally chasing through the quaking bogs and 
the lurid shadows of those terrible times. Was it 
by any chance the same "formidable sect" which 
the German Emperor let loose upon Russia? 

Mrs. Webster, in her admirable book on the 
French Revolution,^ suggests several answers to 
this question. She recalls the "formidable sect" 
of the lUuminati of Bavaria, founded by "Sparta- 
cus" Weishaupt in 1776, and asks if it can be 
"mere coincidence " that the Spartacists of modern 
Germany adopted the pseudonym of their fellow- 
countryman and predecessor of the eighteenth 

We shall examine that theory later on. 

Then Mrs. Webster goes on to point out that 
the Internationale, by the admission of Prince 
Kropotkin, had "a direct filiation" with the 

' The French Revolution. By Nesta H. Webster (1919). 


"Enrages" of 1793 and the secret societies of 


That also is a question we shall have to con- 

They are mentioned by Mrs. Webster as an 
afterthought, suggested no doubt by the terrible 
events which were taking place when she was 
completing her book. The main body of her work 
is occupied with tracing the Orleanist conspiracy, 
which beyond doubt had its share in those events. 

Now the Duke of Orleans was a voluptuary 
and a coward. Sober historians, after examining 
his character, laugh at the idea that he could have 
organized such a conspiracy. Why then was his 
name — the name Phihp Egalite — a rall3ring cry 
of those formidable sects which organized the 
Revolution? That is a question which we must 
also hold in suspense for a moment. 

Then Mrs. Webster allots its due share to 
the Prussian conspiracy organized by Frederick 
the Great, and continued by his successor, for the 
destruction of France. That Prussia had its share 
in the French Revolution is no longer in doubt. 
"Anacharsis" Clootz, that horrible Prussian; 
Ephraim, that horrible German Jew, were probably 
agents of the House of Hohenzollem. 


Had they also a "filiation" with the "formid- 
able sect ' ' ? We shall see. 

Again, there was the obscure conspiracy to place 
the Duke of Brunswick on the Throne of France. 

There were also English influences at work in 
the "formidable sect." English gold helped to 
finance the French Revolution. That is certain. 
But it is also certain, as Mrs. Webster shows, that 
it was not the gold of Pitt. The Government of 
George IH. had no hand in the foul conspiracy. 
The aid was given by certain "revolutionary 
clubs" in England. 

What interest had they in the destruction of the 
House of Bourbon? Were they also members of 
the "formidable sect"? If they were — if Bavar- 
ians, Prussians, Frenchmen, and Englishmen were 
all working in the same conspiracy, in the same 
organization — then the "formidable sect" could 
not have been French merely. It must have been 

Are we to believe that even in the eighteenth 
century there was an "International" devoted to 
the destruction of Church and State? 

The French Clerical, the French Royalist, will 
reply at once : Certainly, there was Freemasonry. 

That is an answer at which Englishmen will be 


inclined to laugh, for no one who knew anything 
of them could suspect our English Freemasons of 
any revolutionary design. But there is Free- 
masonry and Freemasonry. The danger of the 
Masonic organization is this — that every secret 
society which aims at revolution finds in Free- 
masonry a disguise which it is almost impossible 
to penetrate. Freemasons themselves admit, as 
we shall see later on, that the trowel has been used 
as a dagger, and that the square has covered a 
bomb. Let us quote from a witness who upon 
this point is not likely to He. Louis Blanc was 
himself a revolutionary, and his History oj the 
French Revolution is written to glorify that event. 
Let us see, then, what he says on this subject. 

After reminding his readers that Liberty, Equal- 
ity, and Fraternity are words dedicated to Free- 
masonry he continues: 

"As the three grades of ordinary Masonry 
included a great number of men opposed, by 
position and by principle, to every project of social 
subversion, the innovators multipHed the degrees 
of 'the mystic ladder to be cHmbed. They created 
occult lodges reserved for ardent souls . . . 
shadowy sanctuaries whose doors were only open 
to the adept after a long series of proofs calculated 


to test the progress of his revolutionary education. 
... It was to these subterranean schools that 
Condorcet alluded when, in his Histoire des Progrh 
de V Esprit Humain, interrupted by his death, he 
promised to tell what blows monarchical idolatry 
and superstition had received from the secret 
societies, daughters of the Order of the Templars." 

This testimony, as we shall see, does not stand 
alone. And it has the merit also of explaining a 
good deal that is otherwise inexplicable. For it is 
certain that in France the Duke of Orleans was 
Grand Master both of the Central Masonic Lodge, 
the Grand Orient, and also of the Templars; that 
Frederick the Great was Grand Master of a world- 
wide system of Freemasonry, and that the Duke 
of Brunswick was Grand Master of the German 

Whether these principals were the directors or 
were the tools of the "formidable sect" is a ques- 
tion that must also be answered. 

But in the meantime we must examine a little 
more closely the words of Louis Blanc's testimony. 

We gather from this closer view that the ordin- 
ary lodges and the general run of Freemasons — 
even in France — were not entrusted with the de- 
signs of the conspirators. These conspirators 


created special lodges — "arri^res loges," as they 
are called — behind (and above) the ordinary 
lodges. The "innovators" were thus protected by 
a screen or several screens, one behind the other, 
of unsuspected and unsuspecting Masons. These 
were the "shadowy sanctuaries, " open only to the 
adept, where blow upon blow of the revolution 
could be directed in safety — as from a bomb-proof 
dug-out or the armoured top of a battleship. 


We have seen that the lUuminati are mentioned 
both by the Abb6 Barmel and by Mrs. Webster 
as one of the Prime Movers of the French Revolu- 
tion. Indeed, Mrs. Webster goes further and calls 
"Spartacus" Weishaupt the "inventor of worid- 
revolution." A careful study of Barruel, however, 
suggests that the Illuminati were only one of many 
sects which worked with the same means for the 
same object. They are important chiefly because 
we know a good deal about them. Their archives 
were captured and published by the Elector of 
Bavaria. That makes them interesting, for we can 
study them, as we study the working of bees in a 
glass hive. But it is also a danger, for we may be 
led by our knowledge of them to give them too 
high a place in the revolutionary hierarchy. We 
know that this "formidable sect" had a hand in 
the French Revolution; but it was not the only 
sect, and it is doubtful if it was the chief sect. 
Indeed, we shall see when we examine it more 



closely that it leads us into a blind alley. It en- 
tices us along in the most promising and alluring 
way ; but it ends in a dead wall. 

We know a good deal about Adam Weishaupt. 
He was bom in 1748, and at the age of twenty- 
eight was Professor of Law in the University of 
Ingolstadt, in Bavaria. We know that even before 
this early age he had worked out the general 
lines of his system and of his philosophy. But 
there is one thing we do not know — Did he 
work out the system for himself or was he in- 
spired thereto by some imknown and unsuspected 

We do know, by the way, that he was a thorough- 
paced scoundrel, for among his intercepted corre- 
spondence was a series of letters, written by him to 
various initiates, imploring them to help him to 
find the means to destroy the imbom child of his 
sister-in-law, before its birth should overwhelm 
him with disgrace. After such a confession we are 
entitled to doubt if the philosophy he professed 
was the real motive of his activities. 

His philosophy need not detain us very long. 
It is the old familiar set of fallacies and unproved 
assumptions formulated some Httle time before by 
Jean Jacques Rousseau, and long since exploded 


by historians on the one side and by men of science 
on the other. 

Liberty and equality are the essential rights 
that man in his original and primitive perfection 
received from Nature. Property destroyed Equal- 
ity ; Governments and ReHgions destroyed Liberty; 
therefore to reinstate man in his original rights it 
was necessary to destroy all Religions, all Civil 
Societies, and all Property. 

This was to be done by secret organization — 

"Yes," he prophesied, "princes and nations 
shall disappear from off the face of the Earth. Yes, 
a time shall come when man shall acknowledge no 
other Law than the great book of Nature. This 
Revolution shall be the work of our Secret Socie- 
ties, and that is one of our Grand Mysteries." 

It may be noted in passing that he uses the 
plural — as if he were aware that there were others 
working along tunnels similar to those which he 
and his confederates were digging so busily. 

He began with his pupils of Ingolstadt, the 
general idea being that "each class of my order 
must be the preparatory school for the next." 
He educated a class of " Insinuators, " whose 
business was to secure initiates, and these initiates 
were only let into the secrets of the organizations 


when they were proved to be faithful and had gone 
too far to draw back. 

The scope of these designs is revealed in the 
following passage, which might almost persuade 
us that we are in the presence of the "formidable 

"When the object is a universal Revolution, all 
the members of these Societies, aiming at the same 
point, and aiding one another, must find means of 
governing invisibly, and without any appearance 
of violent measures, not only the higher and more 
distinguished class of any particular State, but 
even of all stations, of all nations, of every religion, 
insinuate the same spirit everywhere; in silence, 
but with the greatest possible activity, direct the 
scattered inhabitants of the Earth towards the 
same point." 

With marvellous patience and cunning, Weis- 
haupt elaborated a secret organization closely 
resembUng Masonry, of four classes, subdivided 
into six degrees. Young men were tempted into it 
upon various false pretences, and before very long 
the organization had great power in Bavaria and 
other parts of Germany. 

Then came a great chance. Weishaupt was 
fortunate in two disciples, "Cato" Zwack and the 


Hanoverian Baron, "Philo" Knigge, who had 
dabbled in Freemasonry, and with these two he 
conceived the project of capturing or illuminizing 
the Masonic Lodges. 

Weishaupt's instructions on the gentle art of 
capturing Freemasonry are interesting : 

"In every town of any note situated within 
their district the secret chapters shall estabHsh 
lodges for the three ordinary degrees, and shall 
cause men of sound morals, of good repute, and of 
easy circumstances, to be received in these lodges. 
Such men are much to be sought after, and are to 
be made Masons, even though they should not be 
of any service to Illuminism in its ulterior projects. " 

These methods succeeded beyond expectation. 
Weishaupt and his initiates were soon in secret 
control of a multitude of lodges throughout Ger- 

But the great chance came with the universal 
Masonic Congress at Wilhelmsbaden in 1782. 
At that Congress "Philo" Knigge was busy, and 
he gleefully reports his progress to his Master: 
"All of them," writes Knigge, "were enchanted 
with our degrees of Epopt and of Regent." Into 
these degrees the Freemasons were enlisted in 


The centre of the conspiracy was now in Frank- 
fort, and was spreading in all directions. The 
South German States, Prussia, Austria, Holland, 
were all infected. A trusted agent was sent to 
London "slily to illuminize the English." Several 
of the German Courts were almost completely in 
the hands of the Illuminati. Their prestige was 
becoming enormous. 

But in the height of his success, Weishaupt 
received a staggering blow. The Elector of 
Bavaria swooped down upon him, obtained evi- 
dence, both written and oral, which filled Germany 
with horror and covered the sect with confusion. 
Weishaupt fled to another part of Germany; but 
his organization continued, and, as we shall pre- 
sently see, its agents or fugitives helped to precipi- 
tate that Revolution in France which they had 
failed to effect in Germany. 

We have said that our study of the Illuminati 
only leads us into a cul-de-sac, a blind alley. We 
come to Adam Weishaupt, and we get no further 
back. But at its other end this blind alley joins 
the main roads, or rather tunnels, of "occult" 
Freemasonry and Revolution. 

We find this "fiHation" quite clearly in Mira- 
beau's visits to Berlin. Mirabeau returned from 


Berlin with two enthusiasms, the one for the Jews, 
the other for the Illuminati. Of the former en- 
thusiasm we shall have something to say later: the 
latter enthusiasm bore immediate fruit. Mira- 
beau induced "AmeHus" Bode, the disciple and 
successor of "Spartacus" Weishaupt, to "illumi- 
nize" the French Masonic Lodges. 

There is no doubt that at that time French Free- 
masonry was assuming certain very dangerous 
and subversive forms. France was, in fact, 
covered with a web of secret organizations of the 
Masonic type, and of these Lodges practically all 
the Jacobins were members. 

The Grand Orient itself had become a vast 
revolutionary organization. Under the nominal 
rule of the Grand Master, Philip Egalit6, Duke of 
Orleans, were the Lodges of no less than 282 French 
towns; there were besides 81 Lodges in Paris and 
16 at Lyons. Every Lodge sent its Deputy to the 
Grand Orient, and every Lodge had its President, 
whose duty consisted in forwarding the orders of 
the Grand Orient, or in preparing the Brethren 
for the orders which they were to receive. 

As early as 1776, the Central Committee of the 
Grand Orient instructed its subordinates to pre- 
pare the Brethren for insurrection. They were to 


visit the Lodges throughout France, to conjure 
them by the Masonic Oath, and to announce that 
the time had at last come to accomplish their ends 
in the death of tyrants. 

Barruel (English edition, vol. ii., p. 438) gives 
an accotmt of the manner in which these orders 
were executed at Lille in that year. The officers 
of the Regiment of La Sarre, stationed at that 
town, were, many of them, Freemasons, and these 
were invited to meet the Agent of the Grand 
Orient, an officer of the Artillery called Sinetty. 
In a grandiloquent speech he told them that the 
Universe was about to be freed from its fetters, 
that the tyrants called Kings were to be van- 
quished, and that Religion and Kings were to give 
way to Light, Liberty, and Equality. The officers 
were good Masons, and they were also loyal sub- 
jects of their King. They treated the message half 
as a disagreeable joke, half as an incomprehensible 
incident to be dismissed from their minds. But, 
being bound by their Masonic oath, they did not 
report the incident to headquarters. 

While the Grand Orient thus organized Revolu- 
tion throughout France, various occult Lodges 
had their parts in the movement. Thus the Paris 
Lodge of the Coq H^ron was the seat of the propa- 


ganda. Its chiefs were the Due de la Rochefou- 
cault, Condorcet, and Siey^s, and in 1790 they 
controlled funds of twenty million livres, or 
£900,000, at that time an enormous sum. 

Barruel quotes the main principle on which they 
founded their hopes of a Revolution : 

"Want and opinion are the two agents which 
make all men act. Cause the want, govern opin- 
ions, and you will overturn all the existing systems, 
however well consolidated they may appear." 

Now Barruel quotes this revolutionary maxim 
on the authority of one Dr. Girtanner, who, he 
says, had been able to penetrate the secrets of 
revolutionary Masonry in Paris. Was it acted 
upon? Everybody knows that one main cause of 
the Revolution in Paris was the scarcity of bread. 
That scarcity is usually said to be due to a bad 
harvest. Mrs. Webster, however, quotes many 
authorities to show that the scarcity was aggra- 
vated by the deliberate action of certain people 
who bought and held up the grain. These people, 
in her view, were agents of the Duke of Orleans 
and of what is called the Orleanist conspiracy. 

"Montjoie (says Mrs. Webster] asserts that 
agents employed by the Due d' Orleans deliber- 


ately bought up the grain, and either sent it out 
of the country or concealed it in order to drive the 
people to revolt, and in this accusation he is 
supported by innumerable contemporaries, in- 
cluding the democrat, Fantin-Des Odoards, Mou- 
nier, whose integrity is not to be doubted, the 
Liberal Malouet, Ferri^res, and Madame de la 
Tour du Pin. Beaulieu, however, one of the most 
reliable of contemporaries, considers that the 
Orleanists would have been unable to create a 
famine by these means, but that they accom- 
plished their purpose by stirring up public feeling 
on the subject of monopolizers, thereby inducing 
the people to pillage the grain. The farmers and 
com merchants, therefore, fearing that their 
supplies would be destroyed in transit, were afraid 
to release them. By this means a fictitious famine 
was created." 

Here at least is evidence which makes Gir- 
tanner's statement credible. He states that the 
secret societies planned to create scarcity; con- 
temporaries believed that scarcity was created, but 
put it down not to the secret organizations of which 
they knew nothing, but to the Duke of Orleans. 

As to the other economic cause of the French 
Revolution, the spell of bad trade and unemploy- 
ment, it was produced by the Eden Treaty, a 


commercial treaty so disadvantageous to France 
that it was ascribed by contemporaries either to 
corruption or treachery. Here also Girtanner's 
statement furnishes a clue which might be worth 
while for the student to follow up. What remains 
certain is that the economic crisis which preceded 
the Revolution was intensified, if not created, by 
artificial causes. That these causes were part of a 
conspiracy to bring about Revolution is not cer- 
tain, but possible — and probable. 

But to return. Among the "arri^re loges" — in 
whose "shadowy sanctuaries" the Revolution was 
plotted — we must mention the Lodges of the Amis 
Reunis and the Philalethes. The latter was the 
haimt of those philosophers and dabblers in litera- 
ture who in aU ages are the easy prey of their 
vanity. The former sheltered such political fana- 
tics as Condorcet, Brissot, Danton, Saint-Martin, 
and Savalette de Lange. It was to this retreat that 
Mirabeau brought "Amelius" Bode, the Baron de 
Busche, and the other lUuminati who were to 
"illuminize" French Freemasonry. But French 
Freemasonry hardly required "illuminization" 
from Germany. The work had already been 
carried through by kindred spirits, if not by fellow- 


Among these shadowy and sinister figures were 
the notorious "Count Cagliostro," whose real 
name was Joseph Balsamo — a practitioner of all 
forms of magic, alchemy, and fraud — and the 
"Count of Saint-Germain," a Theosophist, as we 
should now call him, who boasted that he had lived 
through several incarnations. It was this im- 
postor who founded the sect of Adamites, some 
little distance outside Paris, in which, according 
to Barruel, the two sexes lived in promiscuous 
concubinage, one lady only being reserved as the 
peculiar property of the founder, then, according 
to his own reckoning, in his 130th year. 

Nor should we forget Martinez Pasqualis, 
generally reputed to be a Portuguese Jew, who 
founded his Order of Cohenc, with a programme 
which owed something to the ancient mysteries 
of the Cabala. PasquaHs and his successor, Saint- 
Martin, worked in France on very much the same 
lines as Weishaupt worked in Germany. Indeed, 
the more we look at this eighteenth-century net- 
work of secret conspiracy, the more probable does 
it seem that they all owed something to a common 
inspiration at that time and up till now suspected 
but unknown. 

When the Revolution came some at least of 


these secret workers emerged from their shadowy 
sanctuaries and came into the open. The Jacobins 
were not only initiates themselves, but ruled their 
affairs in ghastly imitation of the Masonic order. 

"It is not by chance [says Barruel] that the 
Jacobin Clubs both in Paris and the Provinces 
become the general receptacle for Rosicrucians, 
Knights Templars, Knights of the Sun, and 
KJiights Kadosch; or of those in particular who, 
under the name of Philalethes, were enthusiasti- 
cally wedded to the mysteries of Swedenborg, 
whether at Paris, Lyons, Avignon, Bordeaux, or 
Grenoble. . . . The list is public, and it contains 
the names of all the profound adepts who had 
hitherto been dispersed among the Lodges." 
{Barruel, vol. iv., p. ".82.) 

Were they the real plotters of the Revolution, 
or were they, too, puppets, who danced obediently 
to the gtddance of an unseen hand? Their fate 
suggests their r61e, for all or nearly all of them died 
imder the guillotine, carrying with them their 
dark secrets to be buried for ever in the quicklime 
of the general fosse. 


It is now evident how the Revolutionaries worked 
under the cloak of Freemasonry for the downfall 
of France. We are therefore driven to consider 
more closely the nature not indeed of Freemasonry 
in the English sense, but of those orders of Free- 
masonry which in various parts of the world are 
generally associated with poUtical propaganda. 

It is commonly supposed — and in our own 
country and the United States there is sufficient 
ground for the supposition — that Masonic ritual 
consists of certain innocent and friendly, though 
symbolic, ceremonies, which aim at strengthening 
the noble duties of charity, fraternity, loyalty, and 
fair-dealing among men who are true citizens of 
their Empire and whole-hearted beHevers in 
Christian morality. "To so high an eminence has 
the credit of Freemasonry been advanced, " says the 
old EngUsh Charge to initiates, ' ' that in every age 
Monarchs themselves have been promoters of the 
art, have not thought it derogatory from their 



dignity to exchange the sceptre for the trowel, 
have patronized our mysteries and joined in our 
AssembUes." In 1799 and 181 7, the British House 
of Commons, in specific Acts, recognized the laud- 
able character of the craft and provided for its 

So far, well. The history of Freemasonry, 
however, though it may start in England with 
the three orders, or degrees, of "Entered Appren- 
tice," "Fellow Craft," and "Master," by no 
means ends there, and in the veiled accounts of 
certain Continental Lodges we come upon forms 
of ritual and upon dark sayings that are not only 
foreign to the atmosphere of the "Mother Grand 
Lodge," but that point to underlying motives 
which, if they bear any real significance, are sig- 
nificant of evil. Whether or not the successive 
degrees in revolutionary Masonry constitute a 
hierarchy, each receiving its orders from the 
degree immediately above, or are mainly indepen- 
dent societies, it is difficult to say ; but it is note- 
worthy that the higher the degree the more mys- 
terious and disquieting appear its ceremonies. 
There are at least thirty-three separate degrees, 
each with a peculiar ritual of its own, based on the 
alleged history of the Order, and each conducting 


its observances and deliberations with the utmost 

In the lower orders the initiate into the secrets 
of revolutionary Masonry is allowed to hear the 
words Liberty and Equality only occasionally, 
but when his ears have grown familiar with them, 
and after he has learned how to be silent, he is 
raised to the grade of Master. It is then that he 
hears for the first time of a Founder, whose murder 
has to be revenged. The succeeding grades, es- 
pecially those from the ninth upwards, so accustom 
him to the idea of vengeance that it finally becomes 
habitual. Every Master Mason is entrusted with 
a twofold commission — first, to seek for the lost 
word, which he finds in a higher grade to be 
Jehovah, or natural religion; and, secondly, to 
revenge the death of Hiram, of which the Master's 
sign is a constant memorial — a feigned stab with 
the thimib. In the ninth degree (the Elected 
Knights of the Nine) a still more emphatic cere- 
mony is observed. According to Albert Pike's 
Ritual of the Southern Jurisdiction of the U. S. 
(Scottish Rite), each new entrant and eight already 
Elected Knights lay aside their Masonic clothing 
and jewels, and each is armed with a sword and 
dagger. They enter a room which is lighted only 


by a single lamp set on the floor, by the side of a 
couch of leaves, on which is placed a representa- 
tion of Abairam sleeping. 

'"Here is the assassin?' says the Master of 
Ceremonies. * Strike boldly at his head and heart, 
and revenge the death of the Master ! ' The candi- 
date does so with his dagger, a voice exclaiming 
' Nekum ! ' [Hebrew for revenge] — and the Master 
of Ceremonies, having with his sword separated 
the bleeding head from the trunk, gives it to the 
candidate, who, holding it in his right hand, 
returns to the chapter-room." 

It is in the ninth order, too, that the philosophy 
of goodwill and benevolence to mankind, incul- 
cated in the lower degrees, is supplemented by an 
eloquent appeal to destroy Ignorance, Tyranny, 
and Fanaticism, and it is interesting to notice that 
in this and the succeeding degrees numerous 
Hebrew names and associations creep into the 
rituals. The following striking passage is taken 
from the ritual of the eleventh degree (the Sublime 
Knights Elu of the Twelve) : 

" The Venerable Master: My Brethren, are you 
willing to take upon yourselves the duties of 
Governors in Israel, and chiefs over the tribute, 


with the resolution to discharge those duties 
faithfully and impartially? 

"All: We are. . . . 

" The V. M.: Let then our Chancellor write the 
degree . . . making these twelve our Viceregents, 
each in his Province, to be obeyed accordingly." 

The next three orders are engaged in symbolic 
rituals dealing with the rebuilding of the Temple 
of Solomon which are difficult to understand, but 
considerable light is thrown upon their meaning 
in the concluding catechism of the 15th degree 
(the Knights of the East, Sword or Eagle) : 

"Q.: Of what are the ruins of the walls of the 
city and the Holy House an emblem? 

"A.: Of a country that has lost its Hberties, 
and an Order ruined and proscribed. 

"Q.: To what do the seventy lights of the 
Lodge allude? 

"A.: To the seventy years of Hebrew captivity. 

"Q.: Of what are the chains of the captives, 
with their triangular links, an emblem? 

"A.: Of the three powers that have in all ages 
fettered the htunan intellect and chained the limbs 
of the people : the Kings, Priests, and Nobles — of 
Tyranny, Superstition, and Privilege. 

"Q.: What art do you profess? 

"A.: Freemasonry. 

"Q.: What do you build? 

"A.: Temples and Tabernacles. 

"Q.: Where? 


"A.: In the souls of men, and among the 

"Q.: Which way do you travel? 

"A.: From Babylon to Jerusalem. ..." 

It is not difficult to see whither all this sym- 
bolism and catechism points. As the candidate 
becomes more and more initiated into the secrets 
and inner history of his craft he becomes more and 
more familiar with the idea of liberty as a basic 
principle in Masonic life and thought, and to the 
possibility of himself having, if need be, to offer up 
his Hfe "in the cause of downtrodden races" and 
"in defence of free government." Such an ideal 
sounds noble enough, but let us try to find out 
what motive lies behind it. We have mentioned 
that one of the duties of a Master Mason in 
revolutionary Masonry is to seek for the "lost 
word." By the time he is fully initiated as a Rosi- 
crucian (i8th degree) he has learned that the day 
on which the word Jehovah was lost is precisely 
that on which the Son of God died on the Cross. 

"As soon as the candidate [says the Abb6 
Barruel] has proved that he understands the 
Masonic meaning of the inscription INRI (Jesus of 
Nazareth, King of the Jews), the Master [of Cere- 


monies] exclaims, My dear Brethren, the word is 
found again, and all present applaud the luminous 
discovery, that He whose death was the consum- 
mation and the grand mystery of the Christian 
ReUgion was no more than a common Jew crucified 
for his crimes. ... It is on the Gospel and on 
the Son of Man that the adept is to avenge the 
brethren, the Pontiffs of Jehovah." 

The Knights Templars (27th degree) have again 
and again been accused of like heretical practices, 
and it seems clear from the evidence that the 
charge of denying Christ and defiling the Cross at 
their Ceremony of Initiation has been firmly estab- 
lished. Step by step are the initiates into the 
deeper secrets led to abandon belief, not only in 
Christianity, but in all revealed religion, and by 
making them out and out materialists the ground 
is prepared for the seeds of the Jacobinical code 
of Revolution. When at length the candidate is 
admitted into the 30th grade, and, after going 
through terrifying ordeals to test his obedience and 
secrecy, becomes a Knight Kadosch, he learns that 
it is no longer Adoniram or Hiram whose death 
cries for vengeance. The grade of Kadosch com- 
memorates, he is informed, the suppression of the 
Order of Templars by Pope Clement V. and Philip 


le Bel, together with the murder of the Grand 
Commander, Jacques de Molai, who was burned 
aHve by Philip's orders on March 11, 1314. 

Thus is the mask completely thrown aside, and 
the hidden designs of the Red Masonic orders made 
clear. The objects to be pursued and annihilated 
are the two great institutions of the Christian 
world, represented by Clement V. and Philip IV., 
the Church and the State. "The religion which is 
to be destroyed to recover the word, or the true 
doctrine," remarks Barruel with true insight (vol. 
ii., p. 325), "is the religion of Christ, founded on 
revelation. This word in its full extent is Liberty 
and Equality, to be established by the total over- 
throw of the altar and the throne." 

We conclude with a few significant sentences 
taken from the catechism of the Knights Kadosch 
degree. (We have been unable to obtain any 
authentic information on the ritual of the higher 

"My Brother [the Candidate], you desire to 
unite yourself to an Order which has laboured in 
silence and secrecy for more than five hundred 
years with a single end in view, and hitherto with 
only partial success. . . . The Order of Knights 
Kadosch has for its mission the avenging of a great 


crime. . . . Do you fully understand that this 
degree is not, like much of so-called Masonry, a 
sham that means nothing and amounts to nothing; 
. . . that what you are now engaged in is real, 
will require the performance of duty, will exact 
sacrifice, will expose you to danger; and that this 
Order means to deal with the affairs of nations and 
be once more a Power in the world ? ' ' 

We have seen, so far (i) that Revolution is not 
a spontaneous combustion of the social order ; but 
that (2) the match is set by some secret agency or 
"formidable sect"; (3) that this agency conceals 
itself in the shadowy sanctuaries of certain forms 
of Freemasonry; and (4) that these subversive 
forms of Freemasonry have a ritual of hatred for 
the Cross and veneration for the Temple which 
suggest a Hebraic origin. 

But having got so far, we are faced by another 
question — if these secret societies instigate revolu- 
tions, who or what instigates the secret societies? 

And here, as in the case of the Freemasons, we 
must be careful not to suggest any unfair suspicion 
of innocent people. If we find a distinctly Jewish 
ritual in these subversive orders of Freemasons, 
that is not to suggest that all Jews are Freemasons 
or are subversive. On the contrary, it is evident 


that many Jews are good citizens and patriotic 
British subjects. What is alleged, however — and 
this allegation we must examine — is that a secret 
sect of Jews cherish political designs of a subver- 
sive nature, and that this sect works for revolution 
behind a mask of Freemasonry. 

Now we have remarked that the ritual, particu- 
larly of the Templars, is both Hebraic and sugges- 
tive of a design of revenge. It might help us a 
little, then, to inquire into the origin of this par- 
ticular Order, with which the "Ancient and 
Accepted Scottish Rite" as practised by the Red 
Lodges is historically connected. 

And, indeed, no less an authority than Augustus 
Schlegel points the way : 

"The Order of the Templars [says Schlegel in 
his Philosophy of History] has been the bridge over 
which all that body of mysteries {i.e.y of esoteric 
Freemasonry) has passed into the Occident. . . . 
Through them come the traditions of Solomon and 
his Temple. ... A society from the breast of 
which, as from a laboratory where the spirit of 
destruction forged its arms, came the Albigenses, 
the Jacobins, and the Carbonari, could not have a 
tendency truly Christian nor a constitution poli- 
tically just, nor could it exercise a beneficent 
influence on humanity in general." 


The most eminent specialist on this subject of 
the history of the Templars is the Comte le Cou- 
teulx de Canteleu, whose book* on secret societies 
and sects is founded not upon legend and tra- 
dition merely but upon the archives of the 
Templars themselves in his own possession and 

The Count explains how this crusading Order 
during its long stay of half a century in Palestine 
formed a close and sinister connection with the 
Order of Assassins or Hachichiens — a branch of the 
Ishmaelites of the East, whose members must have 
been Jewish, since their object was the rebuilding 
of Solomon's Temple. This secret society infested 
the mountains round Jerusalem, and carried on a 
war of brigandage and assassination both against 
the Saracens and the Crusaders. 

"The Templars [says our author], seeing that 
the Realm of Jerusalem was going swiftly towards 
its ruin, made alliance and treaty with the Assas- 
sins. It appears to be certain that it was Guil- 
laume de Montbard who received from the Old 
Man of the Mountain the Masonic initiation in a 

^Les Sectes ei SociSies Secretes, PoUtigues et Rdigeuses; essai sur 
lew histoire depuis les temps les plus re-oulSs jusgu' d la RSvolution 
Jrangaise (1863). 


cavern in the Liban, and transmitted it to his 
companions, who were all initiated in the Masonic 

It is certain that when the Templars returned 
to Europe they were accused of following an un- 
christian and blasphemous ritual. 

Two Masonic — or rather, as they call themselves, 
"co-Masonic" — writers, A. Bothwell-Gosse and 
L. J. Dickinson, find in the accounts of this ritual 
preserved in the famous trial proofs that the Order 
of the Templars had been initiated into the secrets 
of Masonry. "It seems probable," say these two 
writers in their book on the Templars, "that there 
was a basis of truth even in the accusations of a 
horrible or grotesque kind : but it was a truth per- 
verted or misunderstood, distorted by the igno- 
rance of uninitiated observers, who misinterpreted 
fragments of ritual that they could not compre- 
hend." In the beginning of the fourteenth century, 
Philip le Bel, of France, with the more or less 
reluctant consent of the Pope, Clement V., dis- 
persed the Order and burned many of its leaders — 
including the famous Jacques de Molai — at the 

At the same time PhiHp drove the Jews out of 



Now, it is possible — although here again any- 
thing in the nature of proof is wanting — that the 
Templars and the Jews made common cause. 
What is certain is that the Templars survived as a 
secret Masonic organization with a ritual inspired 
by hatred of and vengeance on Church and State. 

The execution of Jacques de Molai in the four- 
teenth century is one of those unhappy far-oflE 
things for which no sane man would nourish an 
active resentment; but revenge for the execution 
of Jacques de Molai, turned into a ritual against 
Church, and King is another matter. That ritual 
was practised on the eve of the French Revolution. 
When the head of Louis XVL fell into the sack 
not only was the death of Jacques de Molai re- 
venged upon a descendant of PhiUp le Bel, but a 
proscribed Order — and a proscribed race — were 
revenged both, and at once, upon Church and 

And now as to the connection between the Order 
of the Templars and what is called the Ancient and 
Accepted Scottish Rite practised in the Grand 
Orient and the Lodges of Red Masonry the world 
over. When Philip le Bel dispersed the Order in 
France, he advised his brother monarch, Edward 
II., to follow his example in England. Edward 


took his advice, although his persecution was more 
mild and more dilatory than the French King's, 
and as a result of these two persecutions many of 
the Knights are said to have been driven into 

Tradition says that an eminent band of French 
Templars, disguised as operative Masons, landed 
on the island of Mull, and were received by the 
Scottish Grand Master. These Knights, it is said, 
helped Robert the Bruce to win the Battle of 
Bannockburn, and with his connivance founded 
the famous Lodge of Kilwinning, which claims an 
apostolic succession both in ritual and government. 
When the Jacobite cause found refuge in France, 
the Scottish Rite was brought back to the home 
of its founders, and was accepted by the Grand 
Orient, as a convenient symbolism for its work of 

The ritual also reached Germany, and in 1762 
Frederick the Great, who had taken under his 
wing the patronage of all German Masonry, pro- 
mulgated his Grand Constitution, the Constitu- 
tion being confirmed also at Bordeaux in the same 
year. In 1786, Frederick's new Constitution of 
the Ancient and Accepted Scottish Rite delegated 
his powers to a Council for each nation. And 


from France, in 1761, one Stephen Morin — ^pro- 
bably but not certainly a Jew — was deputed by the 
Grand Consistory of the Sublime Princes of the 
Royal Secret, of whom the Duke de Chartres, 
afterwards the Duke of Orleans, was the one 
designated to carry the torch to the New World. 

Thus a ritual originating among the Ishmaelites 
and Assassins of Mount Lebanon gradually pene- 
trated Europe and the New World. It is a singular 
story, but suggests rather than proves the connec- 
tion between the Hebraic and Masonic secret 

There is, indeed, at least one document which 
supports this theory. It is quoted in Deschamps' 
Les SociStSs Secretes et la Societe (vol. iii.. Annexe 
B), and purports to be a letter from a certain Jean 
Baptiste Simonini written from Florence on the 
1st August, 1806, to the Abbe Barruel congratulat- 
ing him on his book, which Simonini had just read. 
The Abb6, it will be remembered, had contended 
in his Memoirs of Jacobinism that the French 
Revolution had been in great part engineered by 
certain Masonic organizations. Simonini informs 
the Abbe that his conclusions are correct but do 
not go far enough, and that behind the Masons 
were the Jews. He goes on to tell how during the 


Revolution he was at Pi6mont, and for his own 
safety contrived to persuade certain Jews who were 
active in the Revolution there that he was himself 
a Jew by descent. They induced him to become a 
Mason, and told him, when he had thoroughly 
won their confidence, that Maues and the Old Man 
of the Mountains were Jews ; that the Freemasons 
and Illumines were founded by Jews ; that all anti- 
Christian sects emanated from them, that they had 
many partisans within the Church both in Italy 
and Spain ; that the Bourbons were their hereditary 
enemies; that they had made themselves masters 
of Christian wealth, which they were using to 
promote revolution ; and that they promised them- 
selves in less than a century to be masters of the 
world; to abolish all other sects; themselves to 
become the Rulers; to make synagogues of the 
Christian churches; and to reduce the Christian 
peoples to a state of slavery. 

Barruel, who had written his book without any 
such suspicion, was puzzled what to do with the 
letter. He did not desire to give pubHcity to a 
statement which he could not prove, and he deter- 
mined to inform the authorities of its contents and 
give the letter into the keeping of his ecclesiastical 
superiors (in whose archives it still remains). In 


the course of his short annotations on the docu- 
ment, however, he suggests that, owing to the 
double persecution of Philip le Bel, the Jews may 
have made common cause with the Templars, and 
that this may be the origin of the Masonic degree 
of Kadosch. 

A remarkable attempt to supplement evidence 
by argument is made by M. Copin-Albancelli in his 
book. La Conjuration Juive Contre le Monde Chre- 
tien (1909). M. Copin-Albancelli's thesis is that 
except the Jews there is no race or interest capable 
of inspiring the continuous hatred of Church and 
State which he finds in French Freemasonry. 
Further, that the Jews at one time had a Govern- 
ment; that there is evidence of the existence of this 
Government after the Dispersion; that it was 
driven underground by the various persecutions to 
which the Jews have been subjected; but that it 
still exists as a secret organization. And he comes 
to the conclusion, from an elaborate process of 
argument, that the occult power which works 
behind Freemasonry is no other than the secret 
government of the Jewish nation (p. 435). 

We do not propose to examine the logical steps — 
some of them giant strides — by which M. Copin- 
Albancelli advances to this conclusion. We may 


point out, however, that there are certain obvious 
difficulties. One is that Freemasonry in general — 
both in England and in Germany — was closed to 
the Jews, at least through the greater part of the 
eighteenth century, although there is reason to 
suppose that this exclusion did not apply in certain 
of the governing or occult orders of Continental 


We have seen how M. Copin-Albancelli attempted 
to prove that subversive Freemasonry was the 
secret government of the Jews. This argument 
has the horrible implication that certain groups of 
the Jewish race have a secret organization which 
works for the destruction of the Christian nations. 

A moderate and probably truthful view of this 
question is contained in a very remarkable book 
by the Abb6 Joseph Lemann {V Entree des Israelites 
dans la Societefrangaise) . Lemann, it is important 
to note, was himself a Jew who embraced Chris- 
tianity and became a Christian priest. 

Lemann, then, describes the assertions which 
we have discussed as an exaggeration — "une th^se 
exageree." He admits, however, that very close 
relations exist between Jewry and the secret 
societies. And he sets these relations down to the 
Hebraic antagonism against Christianity which 
led the Jews "to utilize secret societies, more or 
less, for their own interests." 



L^mann points to the origin of these occult 
Masonic societies in the Cabal — a Hebrew word 
meaning "received tradition." From the time of 
Moses to the time of Christ, the Cabal had existed 
as the oral but secret custodian of the most sublime 
truths of the Hebraic religion. It was the philo- 
sophy of the Hebrews. But at the Dispersion it 
turned from wine to vinegar, and passed either 
into a shadowy realm of vain speculations, or occu- 
pied itself with magic, terrible vows and sinister 
symbols, and the operations of a hateful conspiracy 
against the Christian religion. It was the father 
of Sorcery, Astrology, Alchemy, and of all the false 
sciences of the Middle Ages. 

But here L6mann makes an important reser- 
vation : 

"This science cabalistic, abstruse on its specu- 
lative side, bad and wicked on its practical side, 
was known only to a small number of Israel. Most 
honest Jews, occupied with their daily affairs, and 
their patriarchal customs, although not loving the 
Saviour of the World and His Church, had no 
penchant for, nor pleasure in, this commerce with 
the Cabal and with magic." 

Owing to the strict watch kept by the Church 
and by the Christian monarchs, it was difficult, if 


not impossible, to establish relations between the 
Hebrew Cabal and the secret societies. Moreover, 
an Albigeois or a Templar would have been too 
proud to call a Jew his companion in arms — and in 

But with the eighteenth century things changed 
for the worst. The various secret societies con- 
centrated in Freemasonry and became democratic 
and universal. The Convention of Wilhelmsbaden 
was their Grand Hall of Reimion. 

How far did Judaism participate? L^mann 
answers this question. In 1754, he says, a Por- 
tuguese Jew, named Martinez PaschaHs, had 
foimded in France a sect, based on the Cabal, imder 
the name of the Order of Cohens (a Hebrew word) 
or Priests. After his death the famous Saint- 
Martin had developed the sect, which spread from 
Paris and Lyons as far as Russia. Its sectaries 
were then called Martinists, or French Illumin6s. 

Such was the preface of the liaison positive be- 
tween Judaism and the secret societies. 

It was a disturbing apparition — says L6mann — 
this union between this perverted Judaism and 
these degraded societies. For the one seemed to 
say to the other: "Tomorrow you will be with 
me, my plans will be your plans." 


Lemann proceeds to describe ' ' this little battal- 
ion of advanced Jews" — Moses Mendelssohn, who 
took the delicate r61e of conciliator between Jews 
and Christians; Wilhelm Dohm, a Prussian official, 
who utilized the arguments of Rousseau for the 
emancipation of the Jews; the banker, Cerfbeer, 
who undertook singlehanded to break down the 
Jewish pale of Strasbourg — to these men came 
Mirabeau, the Gentile Revolutionary and Free- 

In the work on Masonic ritual in America, 
prepared by Albert Pike, an interesting passage 
in a supplementary note to the Fourteenth Degree 
deplores the springing up of "a dissident Masonry, 
opposed to the orthodox," to which schism are 
ascribed "the greatest calamities of the French 
Revolution," and, in an attempt to vindicate the 
ideals of "orthodox" Masonry, the passage con- 

"We shall perhaps be asked how if Masonry 
is so sublime and so holy, it could have been pro- 
scribed and so often condemned by the Church? 
We have replied to this question in speaking of 
the schisms and profanations of Masonry. . . . 
Masonry has not only been profaned, but it has 
even served as a veil and pretext for the plottings 


of anarchy, by the secret influence of the avengers 
of Jacques de Molai. . . . The Anarchists have 
retaken the Rule, the Square and the Mallet, and 
written on them 'Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.' 
That is to say, Liberty for the covetous to plunder, 
Equality for the basest, and Fraternity to destroy. " 

Such protestations of sorrow from "orthodox" 
Freemasons of the Red Orders may or may not be 
genuine. We do not take it upon ourselves to 
judge. The hope of a more profitable inquiry Ues, 
we fancy, in another direction: to what precisely 
does the above passage refer? Like all Masonic 
writing, it is enigmatical, and it would be a mistake 
to give it a too narrow and Hteral interpretation. 
Two points are clear, however. The "dissident" 
Masons are charged with using Masonry "as a veil 
and pretext for the plottings of anarchy," and 
these plottings are held in real, or assumed, ab- 
horrence by the "orthodox" Masons. Let us see 
if we can discover the historical origin of this 

In the year 1761, a certain Stephen Morin was 
invested by the Grand Consistory of Sublime 
Princes of the Royal Secret in Paris with power to 
carry the Rite of Perfection to America. Among 
those who signed the paper was the Duke of 


Chartres, afterwards the Duke of Orleans, "Philip 
Egalit6, " Grand Master both of the Grand Orient 
and the Templars, and Morin himself is described 
as a Grand Perfect Elect and Past Sublime Master, 
etc., of all orders of Masonry. Now it has been 
stated that Morin was a Jew, but the Jewish En- 
cyclopcedia, in its article on Freemasonry, says 
that this point is in doubt. What is certain is that 
when Morin arrived in America he gave powers to 
a number of deputies who certainly were Jews. 
Thus, for example, his deputy inspector, Henry 
Francken, appointed Moses M. Hayes at Boston, 
and Hayes in his turn made Brother Da Costa 
deputy inspector-general for South Carolina, 
Solomon Bush deputy for Pennsylvania, and 
B. M. Spitzer deputy for Georgia. In 1783, Da 
Costa established in Charleston a Sublime Grand 
Lodge of Perfection ; a Council of Princes of Jerusalem 
was also constituted, and also a Council of Knights 
K^dosch. In 1786, Charleston received the Grand 
Constitution from Germany, and in 1801 a Con- 
vention was held to form a Supreme Coimcil of the 
Thirty-third Degree of the Ancient and Accepted 
Scottish Rite. In those various institutions, such 
Jews as Meyers, Spitzer, John Mitchell, and 
Frederick Dalcho were prominent, and although 


the Jewish Encyclopcedia alleges that the Jews 
were not in control of the movement, and were not 
in the highest degrees, it is quite evident from the 
names in the original proceedings that in the 
creation of these Charleston institutions Jewish 
influence was either supreme or very strong. 

In the year 1896 there appeared in Paris a 
curious pubHcation called Le Diable au XIX' 
Sihcle. It was an attack upon Freemasonry, and 
came out in parts, illustrated with grotesque and 
repulsive engravings. The name on the title-page 
is Dr. Bataille, but it is stated in the British 
Museum Catalogue that the real authors were 
Gabriel Jogand-Pag^s and Charles Hacks. The 
book, with evident knowledge and a show of 
authority, set out to trace the connection between 
Freemasonry and revolutions, but its sensational- 
ism and the extremely doubtful character of some 
of the doctmients produced brought it into dis- 
repute. It is now forgotten, and yet it contains a 
good deal that can be verified from other sources, 
and some things also which seem to be verified by 
recent events. In particular there is a letter — or 
an alleged letter — said to have been written by 
Albert Pike, the "Sovereign Pontiff of Universal 
Freemasonry, " assisted by the Ten Ancients of 


the Grand Lodge of the Supreme Orient at Charles- 
ton, to "the very illustrious brother" Giuseppe 
Mazzini. This letter is dated (in Masonic style) 
August 15, 1 87 1, and sets forth an anti-clerical 
poHcy which Mazzini is to follow in Italy. The 
measures proposed, including secular education, 
the expulsion of the religious orders, and so forth, 
need not detain us. What is to our purpose occurs 
towards the end of the letter, on page 605 (vol. ii.). 
The writer explains that owing to the working out 
of this policy the Pope may be driven at some 
future time out of Italy, and that established 
religion will then find its last refuge in Russia. 
And the letter proceeds : 

"That is why, when the autocratic Empire of 
Russia will have become the citadel of Papal 
Christianity (adonaisme papiste), we shall unchain 
the revolutionary Nihilists and Atheists, and we 
shall provoke a formidable social cataclysm, which 
will demonstrate clearly to the nations, in all its 
horror, the effect of absolute unbeHef, mother of 
savagery and of the most bloody disorder. Then, 
everywhere, the citizens, obliged to defend them- 
selves against the mad minority of revolutionaries, 
will exterminate these destroyers of civilization, 
and the multitude, disillusioned of Christianity, 
whose deist soul will up to that moment be without 


compass, thirsting for an ideal, but not knowing 
where to bestow their worship, will receive the 
True Light, by the universal manifestation of the 
pure Luciferian doctrine, at last made public, a 
manifestation which will arise from the general 
movement of reaction following the destruction of 
Atheism and Christianity, both at the same time 
vanquished and exterminated." 

Now this letter is at least as old as 1896 (if it is 
a forgery) ; if it is genuine, it is as old as 187 1. It 
must therefore be considered remarkable, whether 
as a forgery or as a genuine document. For it 
predicts what has happened in Russia, and it 
claims for its authors that they were preparing to 
bring about what has happened. 

If we compare more closely the words of the 
Masonic letter with what has actually happened 
in Russia, we cannot but see how close is the 
correspondence between the threats and the 

The Masonic Letter. Mr. Churchill's 

... we shall unchain the Description. 

revolutionary Nihilists and . . . in the same way that you 
atheists, and we shall provoke might send a phial ... to 
a formidable social cataclysm tear to pieces every institution 

. . . horror . . . savagery long internal terrors . . . 

the most bloody disorder. menaced by famine . . . suffer- 

ings more fearful than modem 
records hold. 


Whatever explanation we may incline to give, 
we must at least allow that it is a document which 
is very difficult to explain. And there is this much 
to be said in support of it — that Mazzini certainly 
was connected (as we shall see) with the birth 
of that movement of "Revolutionary Nihilism" 
called the International. 

One thing is certain: the motive suggested by 
Albert Pike for the destruction of Russia is not 
adequate. The cult of Adonaism, whatever that 
may be, and the hypothesis that the Pope might 
take refuge in Russia, would never have driven a 
body of conspirators to plot the destruction of 
Russia. But if the Charleston Lodge was, as it is 
generally supposed to be, very largely Jewish in 
origin and control, the motive becomes intelligible; 
it would lie in the hatred of the political Jew both 
for Russia and for Christianity. 


The intelligent reader may have surmised from 
our last chapter that Albert Pike's enigmatical 
passage may have had some connection with the 
founding of the International. 

The history of that remarkable movement takes 
us back to the agitation which preceded the stormy 
years of 1848 and 1849. Benjamin Disraeli, in his 
Coningsby, written in 1844, testified beforehand 
that "that mighty Revolution which is at this 
moment preparing in Germany, and which will be, 
in fact, a second and greater Reformation, and of 
which so little is yet known in England, is develop- 
ing entirely tmder the auspices of Jews." 

And Disraeh was at least so far right that the 
two ablest heads in that movement were Jewish — 
Ferdinand Lassalle and Karl Marx. 

Now as to these two men, there is one very re- 
markable coincidence which has never before been 
noticed. They were not only Jews ; but they both, 
in their youth, dedicated their lives to revenge. 



Ferdinand Lassalle (or Lassal) was bom of 
Jewish parents at Breslau on April 11, 1 825. In 
Breslau, it should be explained, the Jews were not 
emancipated until 1843. In his youth he kept a 
diary, and that diary (for the years 1 840-1) was 
afterwards published by Paul Lindau. 

In that diary (on February i, 1840) Lassalle 
writes : " I think I am one of the best Jews in exist- 
ence, although I disregard the ceremonial law. 
I could, like the Jew in Bulwer's Leila, risk my life 
to deliver the Jews from their present crushing 
condition." He speaks of his childish dream "to 
make the Jews armed — I at their head — free." 
And on July 30, 1840, commenting on certain 
accusations of ritual murder then being made 
against the Jews, he says: 

"... the time will soon be at hand when 
we, in very deed, will help ourselves with Christian 
blood. Aide-toi et le del Vaidera. The dice are 
ready: it only depends upon the player." 

So far Lassalle. Let us now turn to Marx. 

In his Karl Marx, His Life and Work, John 
Spargo says that the true patronymic of the family 
seems to have been Mordechai. Mordechai, a 
grandfather of Karl Marx, was a rabbi: "one of a 


long line of rabbis, unbroken from the sixteenth 
century until his son Heinrich, father of Karl 
Marx, adopted law instead of religion for a career. 
On his mother's side, also, Karl Marx had a long 
line of rabbinical ancestors." But in 1824, when 
Karl was six years old, Heinrich and his wife 
suddenly embraced Christianity, and they with 
their children were baptized. Mr. Spargo tries to 
make out that Heinrich forsook Judaism as a 
matter of conviction, but we can hardly credit 
such an explanation, and for the following reasons: 
At the time Heinrich adopted Christianity the 
Jews in the Rhine Province (the Marxes lived in 
Trier) were subject to extortion and mild persecu- 
tion at the hands of the Prussian officials. The 
Code Napoleon of March 17, 1808, had been 
issued provisionally for a period of only ten years, 
and fixed the status of the Jews in the Rhine 
Province; and Heinrich Marx was a convinced 
disciple of that enemy of Christianity, Voltaire. 
Moreover, Liebknecht, long the intimate associate 
of Karl Marx, and himself a Jew and a revolu- 
tionary, says in his Memoirs that the acceptance 
of Christianity by the parents was compulsory, 
that it was due to an official edict by the Prussian 
Government compelling all Jews holding official 


positions or engaged in the learned professions to 
forgo these or formally renounce Judaism. The 
same writer says that the boy Karl felt keenly this 
insult to his race, of which he was so proud, and 
that "his whole life was a reply and a revenge." 

Spargo and other biographers of Karl Marx 
naturally do not accept this explanation of their 
hero's activities, and do their best to discredit 
Liebknecht. But the story, despite their efforts, 
is, as we have seen, historically credible. 

Here then we have a motive hitherto unsus- 
pected by those Gentiles who follow the Red 
Banner — the motive of destroying the Christian 
nations in revenge for the wrongs of Judaism. 

But to proceed. Karl Marx succeeded, by 
September 28, 1864, in founding the International 
Working Men's Association — ^inaugurated at St. 
Martin's Hall in London. In organizing this 
movement, Marx had considerable trouble with 
Giuseppe Mazzini, who had himself organized the 
Italian Working Men's Association, and desired to 
control the movement. Mazzini prepared a draft 
address, and presented it to the General Council 
of the International; but it was turned down in 
favour of another written by Marx, in much the 
same terms as the famous Manifesto. Mazzini 


thereupon withdrew from the International, and 
for the rest of his life was a bitter opponent of 

But Karl Marx was now to encounter a more 
formidable opponent than Mazzini. Michail 
Bakunin has been called the Russian Revolution- 
ary Lion. He was, in fact, a Slav, and his gospel 
was a curious mixture of pan-Slavism and An- 
archy. Part of his plan was to organize a great 
Slav Power to include all the Slav elements of 
Europe, and with this engine he designed to 
destroy not only the Russian Empire, but the 
German and Austrian Empires as well. 

Now, we have no means of discovering the real 
motive behind these ideas. But that the inspira- 
tion was at least as much that of race as of class is 
evident. Bakunin bitterly denounced Karl Marx 
and his "clique of Jews"; Karl Marx as bitterly 
denounced Bakimin's pan-Slavism. 

Can it be that the fight between Socialist and 
Anarchist veiled and covered another fight more 
fierce and instinctive — between Slav and Jew? 
Certain it is that Karl Marx's immediate plans did 
not include the destruction of the German Empire. 
Marx, despite his exile, had certain connections 
with the Prussian Government, and he used all his 


influence in the International movement to weaken 
France and strengthen Germany in the Franco- 
Prussian War. But to return to the conflict. 

Bakunin became a member of the International 
by joining the Branche Romane at Geneva. He 
immediately began his campaign to secure control 
of the entire movement. He formed within the 
International the Alliance de la Dimocratie So- 
cialiste, with a programme of its own and branches 
throughout Europe. When Marx got wind of this 
plot, he got the General Council of the Inter- 
national to denounce the Alliance as a scheme for 
disrupting the International. Bakunin capitulated, 
dissolved the Alliance, but immediately reor- 
ganized its branches as branches of the Interna- 
tional! Marx said nothing, but at the Basle 
Congress of 1869 he got his friend Eccarius to 
propose that the Congress should give the General 
Council the power to expel any section contraven- 
ing the principles of the association. To every- 
body's astonishment, Bakunin supported the 
motion. He thought that his supporters at the 
Congress outnumbered those of Marx, but he was 
wrong. He had still a long way to go before he 
finally overthrew his rival. 

"Taking advantage," says Mr. John Spargo, in 


his Life oj Karl Marx, "of the situation in Europe 
which resulted from the Franco-Prussian War and 
the Paris Commune, Bakunin went on building up 
his separate organization, the Alliance, especially 
in Italy and Spain. . . . Many of those who 
joined the Alliance had no idea that they were 
being used by Bakunin as a means of injuring the 
International." The struggle came to a head in 
September, 1872, when the International Congress 
met at The Hague. Marx had, at first, not in- 
tended to be present, but Bakunin had let it be 
known that he would attend for the purpose of 
"exposing Marx and his cHque." Marx and 
Engels accepted the challenge. After a five days' 
word battle they routed Bakunin and prevented 
him from capturing the International, but to save 
their society from further molestation, they de- 
cided to remove their headquarters to New York. 
In 1876, the International was formally dissolved 
at a meeting held in Philadelphia. 

These conflicts remain obscure; but they at 
least suggest an explanation of Albert Pike's 
enigmatical passage: "Masonry has not only been 
profaned; but it has served as a veil and a pretext 
for the plottings of Anarchy, by the secret influence 
of the avengers of Jacques de Molai." 


Hitherto we have explored a dim subterranean 
twilight region by the candlelight of hints and 
surmises. We have not attempted to prove any- 
thirg in the strict or even in the historical sense 
of tiiat much abused word. No, we have merely 
attcnpted to indicate the probability of an or- 
ganization of a secret order — a "terrible sect" — 
working for revolution in the world, and the other 
probability that this sect is controlled by Hebraic 
conspirators — not indeed orthodox Jews — ^who as- 
pire to the dominion of the world. 

That idea is not too vaguely indicated in a very 
remarkable passage of a book from which we have 
already quoted, the Abbe Joseph Lemann's V En- 
tree des Israelites dans la Societe frangaise, which 
was pubUshed in 1886. There is a plan, says 
L6mann — a plan "d'enfer'' — 

"to disorganize at one blow Christian society, 
and the beliefs and customs of the Jews, then with 
this double organization to bring about a state of 
things where, religiously speaking, there will be 
neither Christian nor Jew, but only men stripped 
of divinity, and where, politically speaking, the 
Christian will become, if not the slave, at least the 
inferior of the Jew, the master. ... At the hour 
in which we hold the pen we see this plan un- 


rolling itself in sombre horizons and great fune- 
real lines." 

Now what does this passage suggest? It sug- 
gests that there is some formidable secret organiza- 
tion, some terrible sect, controlled and directed by 
Jews for the destruction of our present social order. 
It suggests also that these Jews are not orthodox 
Jews, but Jews who have freed themselves from the 
faith of their ancestors. And it suggests further 
that the design of these people is not merdy 
anarchy but to create a world domination in which 
these infidel Jews are masters, and in which the 
Christian peoples are, if not their slaves, at least 
their inferiors. 

Here, again, however, we are moving in a world 
of shadows, hints, and surmises, of "sombre hori- 
zons and funereal lines." The man of the world, 
who believes in nothing except what he finds 
proved, and who refuses to consider anything but 
a clear and precise statement, may be inclined to 
dismiss this passage as mere moonshine. 

But now we are to emerge suddenly from 
shadows and moonshine into a fierce blaze of light. 
For we have now to consider a document which 
professes to set forth fully and plainly the plan of 


campaign of this "formidable sect" for the de- 
struction of the social order. Let us now consider 
what this document is. 

In the year 1903 a Russian, Serge Nilus, pub- 
lish d a book entitled The Great in Little. The 
secuiid edition, which was published at Tsarskoe 
Selo in 1905, had an additional chapter, the twelfth, 
imder the heading "Anti-Christ as a Near Political 
Possibility." This chapter consisted of some 
twenty pages of introduction followed by the text 
of twenty-four "Protocols of Meetings of the 
Learned Elders of Zion, " and the book ends with 
some twenty pages of commentaries on these pro- 
tocols by Nilus. 

Directly after the protocols, comes a statement 
by Nilus that they are "signed by representatives 
of Zion of the thirty-third degree. These protocols 
were secretly extracted (or were stolen) from a 
whole volume of protocols. All this was got by 
my correspondent out of the secret depositories of 
the Head Chancellery of Zion. This Chancellery 
is at present on French territory." An English 
translation of these protocols has now been pub- 
lished (Eyre and Spottiswoode, 2s. 6d. net). This 
translation, which we have compared with the 
Russian 1905 edition in the British Musetun, is 


substantially correct, but in a work of such impor- 
tance we have preferred to use our own translation. 

Now the contention of Nilus is that these proto- 
V .us of a secret organization or govern- 
. ^^ j-.^i.y -v/x t^xc return of this organization 
or government to Zion, and for the government of 
the whole world by a Jewish dispensation. This 
plan, Nilus asserts, is not of yesterday but has been 
developed through many ages. What is usually 
understood by the Zionist movement, initiated at 
Basle in 1897, was not, it is said, a modem de- 
velopment of Jewry, but an indiscreet revelation 
of part of a plan long entertained. For that reason 
— i.e., that the Zionist movement was a revelation 
to the world of secret designs — it was not regarded 
with favour by the real leaders nor by certain great 
Jewish capitalists. That indiscretion was com- 
mitted by the impetuous Dr. Theodor Hertzl, a 
Vienna journalist and dramatic critic, who ener- 
getically brought forward to a world-wide public 
certain age-old plans of these secret leaders of 

The symbolism of the snake, says Nilus, typifies 
a coiling and encircling movement by which "all 
Europe, and through Europe all the rest of the 
world, by the use of all forms of force, by wars of 


conquest, and by economic pressure, will be sub- 
jected to the influence of Jewry." "All the 
States, " says Nilus, " passed over by the symbolic 
snake, not excluding Germany, with her apparent 
might, are in reality undermined by constitutional 
LiberaHsm and economic derangement. On the 
economic side, England and Germany are still 
spared, but only until such time as the irrevocable 
conquest of Russia, towards which all energies are 
now concentrated, has been accomplished. . . . 
Constantinople is the eighth and last stage towards 

We have said that this document flashes a blaze 
of light, and so it does, but whether this document 
is genuine or not, whether the blaze of light is 
true or false, can only be judged by internal evi- 
dence and probabilities. We may say at once that 
Nilus advances nothing in the nature of real 
evidence to prove the document, and that his 
account of how it came into his hands consists of 
assertion only, without evidence to support it. 
We can only say that if the document is not 
genuine it is a very extraordinary forgery, since it 
predicts with certainty not only the fact but the 
manner and mechanism of a great revolution before 
the event. Moreover, it says before the event that 


this destruction will be carried out by a Jewish 
organization — a formidable sect — and such evi- 
dence as we have of the Russian Revolution 
confirms this prediction. 

Thus, for example, Lieutenant-Colonel Malone, 
the Member of Parliament who went on a friendly- 
visit to the Bolsheviks and returned in the latter 
part of 1 919 to England, stated in the House of 
Commons on November 5th: "It is said openly 
that the Soviet Government is a Government of 
the Jews. Why, there are not in Lenin's Cabinet 
as many Jews or crypto- Jews as there are in any 
other Cabinet in Europe. There is only one — 
Trotsky. 0/ course, there are Jews in control in 
Russia. There are Jews behind the commissars, and 
there is no doubt that in Russia at this time the 
Jews are not subject to those horrible persecutions 
which they have endured for coimtless ages." 
And this is supported by numerous Christian 
refugees from Russia, who all assert that the chief 
actors in the Revolution are Jewish, and that the 
Jewish bourgeoisie have been spared by the 

Here, then, are two very remarkable pieces of 
corroborative evidence: first, that the document 
was published before the event which it predicted, 


and, second, that those whom it states to be the 
conspirators are afterwards found to be the prin- 
cipal agents of the Revolution. We shall not begin 
the examination of the docimient itself at this 
stage of our inquiry, but we shall content our- 
selves merely with a quotation from Disraeli's 
novel Coningsby, which is well worth reading over 
again in the light of recent happenings . Those who 
know the novel will remember the mysterious 
character Sidonia, who describes himself as a 
Spanish Jew and an international power. He tells 
Coningsby how his ancestors had settled in Aragon 
before the Moorish invasion, how they had been 
persecuted and had adopted the veil of Chris- 
tianity, remaining Jews in secret, how they had 
betrayed Spain to the Moors, and how they had 
again been persecuted when Ferdinand and Isa- 
bella re-established Christian domination, how 
they had again disguised themselves as Christians, 
but how as soon as their descendants had reached 
England, he had set up the Mosaic altar. He refers 
to his tutor, Rebello — "a Jesuit before the Revolu- 
tion, since then an exiled Liberal leader, now a 
member of the Spanish Cortes; Rebello was always 
a Jew." He refers also to "the subterranean 
agency of which the world in general knows so 


little, but which exercises so great an influence on 
public events." And he proceeds, "You never 
observe a great intellectual movement in Europe 
in which the Jews do not greatly participate. The 
first Jesuits were Jews; that mysterious Russian 
diplomacy which so alarms Western Europe is 
organized and practically carried on by Jews; that 
mighty Revolution which is at this moment pre- 
paring in Germany, and which will be in fact a 
second and greater Reformation, and of which so 
little is yet known in England, is developing en- 
tirely under the auspices of Jews." 


We have given some account of the extraordinary 
document printed by the Russian Nilus in the year 
1905 as an appendix to his book. That document 
consists of twenty-four protocols, running to about 
thirty thousand words. In form, as we have said, 
it takes the shape of a series of lecttu-es "at the 
meetings of the learned elders of Zion." The 
lecturer speaks sometimes as if the initiates whom 
he was addressing were the secret government of 
the Jews and sometimes as if they were the heads 
of a Jewish Masonic organization. The general 
object of the conspiracy which the protocols dis- 
cussed is the government of the world by a king of 
the blood of David. How that end is to be secured 
we shall see as we proceed, and we gather that 
Masonry is used by the organization as a cloak and 
a veil. Thus, for example, in Protocol 4 we find 
the passage: 

"Who and what is in a position to overthrow 
an invisible force? And this is precisely what our 



force is. Exterior Masonry blindly serves as a 
screen for us and our objects, but the plan of 
action of our force, even its very abiding-place, 
remain for the whole people an unknown mystery." 

But here we come to a very clear distinction. 
The speaker constantly refers with infinite con- 
tempt to what he calls the goyim or Gentiles, the 
Christian and non- Jewish peoples of the world; 
and he mentions an inner or Jewish Masonry, the 
true governing power, and an outer or Gentile 
Masonry, which blindly follows the lead of a 
direction it does not suspect. Thus, for example, 
in Protocol 1 1 : 

"For what purpose, then, have we invented this 
whole policy and insinuated it into the minds of 
the goyim (Gentiles) without giving them any 
chance to examine its imderl3ring meaning? For 
what, indeed, if not to obtain in a roundabout way 
what is for our scattered tribes unattainable by a 
direct road? It is this which has served as the 
basis for our organization of secret Masonry, which 
is unknown to, and has aims which are not even so 
much as suspected by, these goyim-csXile, at- 
tracted by us into the 'show' army of Masonic 
Lodges in order to throw dust into the eyes of their 


When at last the final Revolution comes, 
Masonry is to be brought to an end as having 
served its purpose. "Those Gentile Masons who 
know too much" are either to be banished or kept 
imder constant fear of exile. In the meantime, 
Masonry is to be organized and directed as a 
weapon against Church and State in accordance 
with their plan. 

This plan is not new. It is followed from genera- 
tion to generation. Thus, for example, in Protocol 
I we find : 

"Before us is a plan in which is laid down 
strategically the line from which we cannot deviate 
without running the risk of seeing the labour of 
many centuries brought to nought." 

In pursuance of this plan they brought about 
the French Revolution. "Far back in ancient 
times," says the first protocol, "we were the first 
to cry among the masses of the people the words 
'Liberty, Equality, Fraternity.'" 

"In all comers of the earth, the words 'Liberty, 
Equality, Fraternity ' brought to our ranks, thanks 
to our blind agents, whole legions who bore our 
banners with enthusiasm. And all the time these 
yrords were cankerworms at work boring into the 


well-being of the goyim, putting an end every- 
where to peace, quiet, solidarity, and destroying 
all the foundations of the goyim States. As you 
win see later, this helped us to our triumph : it gave 
us the possibility, among other things of getting 
into our hands the master card — ^the destruction of 
the privileges, or, in other words, of the very exist- 
ence of the aristocracy of the goyim, that class 
which was the only defence peoples and countries 
had against us. On the ruins of the natural and 
genealogical aristocracy of the goyim, we have set 
up the aristocracy of our educated class, headed by 
the aristocracy of money. The qualifications for 
this aristocracy we have established in wealth, 
which is dependent upon us, and in knowledge, for 
which our learned elders provide the motive force." 

And, again, we find in Protocol 3 a definite claim: 

"Remember the French Revolution, to which it 
was we who gave the name of ' Great. ' The secrets 
of its preparation are weU known to us, for it was 
whoUy the work of our hands." 

But not only does the speaker claim for his 
organization the authorship of the French Revo- 
lution. He states also that the liberal and consti- 
tutional movements which have agitated Europe 
and have weakened the authority of government 


have been set going in the same way and for the 
same purpose. 

"The word ' Liberty ' brings out the communities 
of men to fight against every kind of force, against 
every kind of authority, even against God and the 
laws of nature. For this reason we, when we come 
into our kingdom, shall have to erase this word 
from the lexicon of life as implying a principle of 
brute force which turned mobs into blood-thirsty 

He boasts that by means of Liberalism and 
Constitutionalism they had destroyed the power 
of Kings, and especially of the aristocracy, to 
protect the people. ' ' The people, ' ' he says, * ' under 
our guidance, have annihilated the aristocracy, 
who were their one and only defence and foster- 
mother, for the advantage of the aristocracy is 
iuseoarably bound up with the weU-being of the 
people." The result of the destruction of the aris- 
tocracy is that the people have fallen into the grip 
of merciless money-getting scoimdrels who have 
laid a pitiless yoke upon the neck of the workers. 

Having effected so much by LiberaHsm they 
then come forward as "saviours of the worker," 
and propose to the workers that they should ' ' enter 
the ranks of our fighting forces — Socialists. An- 


archists, Communists, to whom we always give 

Besides these secret powers, the organization 
has another power, the power of gold. "In our 
hands is the greatest power of our day — gold. In 
two days we can procure from our storehouses any 
quantity we please." 

With command of capital the organization has 
the power to create financial and industrial crises, 
and as a means of bringing off the last and greatest 
revolution there is to be a great financial crisis 
which will reduce the workers to the verge of 
starvation and make them ripe for the most des- 
perate acts. 

"We shall raise the rate of wages, which, how- 
ever, will not bring any advantage to the workers, 
for at the same time we shall produce a rise in 
prices of the first necessaries of life." 

"In order that the true meaning of things may 
not strike the Gentiles before the proper time, we 
shall mask it imder an alleged ardent desire to 
serve the working classes, and the great principles 
of poHtical economy about which our economic 
theorists are carrying on an energetic propaganda." 

We have given a general account of these proto- 
cols published by Nilus in 1905. Let us now ex- 


amine them more in detail. The first protocol 
begins, as it were, in the middle of a sentence: 

"... Putting aside fine phrases, we shall speak 
of the significance of each thought : by comparisons 
and deductions we shall throw light upon surround- 
ing facts. ... It must be noted that men with 
bad instincts are more in nimiber than the good, 
and therefore the best results in governing them 
are attained by violence and terror, and not by 
academic discussions." 

After the assertion that every man aims at 
power and most would sacrifice the general good 
for their own welfare, there follows the statement : 

"Political freedom is an idea but not a fact. 
This idea one must know how to use as a bait to 
attract the masses of the people so as to crush 
those in authority. This task is the easier if the 
opponent himself has been infected with the idea 
of Liberty or Liberalism, and for the sake of an 
idea is willing to yield some of his power. It is 
precisely here that the triumph of oiu" theory 
appears: the slackened reins of government are 
immediately, by the law of life, caught up and 
gathered together by a new hand, because the 
blind might of the nation cannot for a single day 
exist without guidance and the new authority 


merely fits into the place of the old already weak- 
ened by Liberalism." 

The lecturer points out that this doctrine is no 
more immoral than the doctrine of foreign war, 
that "the political has nothing in common with 
the moral, " that frankness and honesty are vices 
in poHtics, "for they bring down rulers from their 
thrones more certainly than the most powerful 
enemy, " and that right lies in force. 

"In any state in which there is a bad organiza- 
tion of authority, an impersonality of laws and of 
rulers who have lost their personality amid the 
flood of rights that are multiplying out of Liberal- 
ism I find a new right — to attack by the right of 
the strong and to scatter to the winds all existing 
forces of order and regulation, to reconstruct all 
institutions, and to become the sovereign lord of 
those who have left to us the rights of their power 
by laying them down voluntarily in their Liberal- 
ism. Oiu: power in the present tottering of all 
forms of power will be more invincible than any 
other, because it will remain invisible until the 
moment when it has gained such strength that no 
cunning can any longer undermine it." 

There follows a justification of "the programme 
of violence and make-beUeve, " and of the use of 


"bribery, deceit, and treachery" to attain good 
ends. We read of the absurdity of the cry of 
Equality, since "Nature herself has established 
ine4uallt;> ■ '' ' iH, of characters, and of capacities, 
just as immu oly as she 'las e«?tflhiished subordi- 
nation to hei* laws." 

The true strength oi the dimastic rule, it is 
argued, was "that the father passed on to the son 
a knowledge of the course of political affairs in such 
wise that none should know it but members of the 
dynasty, and none could betray it to the governed." 
This secret "of the political" was lost, and this 
loss "aided the success of our cause." 

"The abstraction of liberty has enabled us to 
persuade the mob in all countries that their gov- 
ernment is nothing but a steward of the people, 
who are the owners of the country, and that the 
steward may be replaced like a worn-out glove. " 

"It is this possibility of replacing the repre- 
sentatives of the people which has placed them at 
our disposal, and, as it were, given us the power of 

Such is the cynical philosophy propounded in 
the first protocol. The second protocol begins 
with a reference to the value of economic wars, 
which place the Gentiles in the conspirators* 


hands. It speaks also of their international agents 
with their "millions of eyes ever on the watch"; 
it boasts that "we shall choose from among the 
public administrators with strict regard to their 
capacities for servile obedience"; that these per- 
sons will not be trained in the arts of government, 
and that therefore they will easily become "pawns 
in our game — in the hands of our men of learning 
and genius, bred and reared from early childhood 
to rule the affairs of the whole world." 

The second protocol ends with the boast that 
"the Press has fallen into our hands"; and again, 
"through the Press we have gained a power to 
influence while remaining ourselves in the shade." 

Thus these two opening protocols express a 
philosophy of government more cynical than 
Machiavelli's, and they make also the disturbing 
claim that Liberalism and Modernism, if not 
created by the Jews, have been used by them as 
the means of misleading Christian nations and 
destrojring their power of self-defence. 


The third protocol opens with these very remark- 
able words: "Today I may tell you that our goal 
is now only a few steps off. There remains a small 
space to cross, and the long path we have trodden 
is ready to close in circle of the Snake by which we 
symboHze our people. When this ring closes all the 
States of Europe will be locked in its coils as in a 

"The constitutional scales of these days will 
shortly break down, for we have given them a 
certain lack of accurate balance in order that they 
may oscUlate incessantly until they wear through 
the pivot on which they turn. The goyim believe 
that they have made them sufficiently strong, and 
keep on expecting that the scales will come into 
equilibrium. But the pivot, the kings on their 
thrones, are hemmed in by their representatives, 
who play the fool, distraught with their own un- 
controlled and irresponsible power. This power 
they owe to the terror which has breathed into the 
palaces. . . . We have made a gulf between the 



far-seeing Sovereign Power and the blind force of 
the people, so that both have lost all meaning, for, 
like the blind man and the stick, both are powerless 

After boasting of the means by which the "elders 
of Zion " have instilled class hatred into the people, 
the protocol continues : 

"This hatred will be still further magnified by 
the effect of an economic crisis, which wiU stop 
deahngs on the exchanges and bring industry to a 
standstill. We shall create by all the secret sub- 
terranean methods open to us, and with the aid of 
gold, which is aU in our hands, a tiniversal economic 
crisis, whereby we shall throw upon the streets 
whole mobs of workers simultaneously in all the 
countries of Europe. These mobs will rush with 
delight and shed the blood of those whom, in the 
simplicity of their ignorance, they have envied 
from their cradles, and whose property they will 
then be able to loot. 

"Ours they will not touch, because the moment 
of attack will be known to us, and we shall take 
measures to protect our own." 

Such, then, is the plan of the "elders of Zion," 
and in the succeeding protocols they elaborate the 
means by which it is to be brought about. Thus, 
for example, by attack upon religion : 


"It is indispensable for us to undermine all 
faith, tear out of the minds of the goyim the very- 
principle of Godhead and the Spirit, and to put in 
its jilace arithmetical calculations and material 
n -ds." 

.ere are several passages which seem to suggest 
the League of Nations, as, for example: 

"By all these means we shall so wear down the 
goyim that they will be compelled to offer us inter- 
national power of such a. nature as wiU enable us 
without any violence gradually to absorb all the 
great forces of the world and to form a super- 
government. In place of the rulers of today we 
shall set up a bogey which will be called the Super- 
Government Administration. Its tentacles will 
reach out in all directions and its organization will 
be so colossal as to subdue all the nations of the 

Education, politics, law, the theatre, are all 
discussed as means of creating revolutions, and 
throughout there breathes a spirit of almost in- 
describable hate for the Christian nations, as, for 
example, in such a sentence as this, from Protocol 
II : — "The goyim are a flock of sheep and we are 
their wolves." 

But it is only fair to say of this extraordinary 


document that while half of it is devoted to the 
destruction of the present order, the latter half of 
the dociunent gives an outline of a new order, an 
order of world government in the hands of the 

These "elders of Zion" are by no means anar- 
chists. On the contrary, they make it quite clear 
that they only use anarchy as a means to an end, 
and that they thoroughly believe in the natural 
divisions of society into classes and in the benefits 
of a strong Government. The Government is not 
to be a free Government — they propose, indeed, to 
erase the very word of liberty from the languages 
of the world — ^nor will it permit equality of races. 
The Gentile "cattle" are to work for their Jewish 
masters without any hope of Hberation. But it is 
to be a just and orderly Government. Great atten- 
tion is given to the reform of the law and of the 
judiciary. The King is to be very carefully chosen 
from among the descendants of the Royal House of 
David. If he shows weakness or vice he is to be 
replaced by another, and everything is to be done 
to make him popular with the people. Of the 
value of prestige the lecturer makes a special study, 
and there are detailed instructions as to the use of 
the Press and the organization of the police. 


The system of education is calculated to wipe 
out of the minds of the goyim any recollections of 
their former state. In religion atheism is only to 
be tolerated during the time of revolution; when it 
has done its work, the Jewish religion is to be es- 
tablished as the universal faith. By such means 
the speaker believes that they will be able to pro- 
duce a tranquil world: 

"The errors of the Gentile Governments will 
be depicted by us in the most vivid hues. We shall 
implant such an abhorrence of them that the 
peoples will prefer tranquillity in a state of serfdom 
to those rights of vaunted freedom which have 
tortured humanity and exhausted the very sources 
of human existence. . . . Useless changes of 
forms of government to which we instigated the 
goyim when we were undermining their State 
structures will have so wearied the peoples by that 
time that they will prefer to suffer anything under 
us rather than run the risk of enduring again 
all the agitations and miseries they have gone 
through." (Protocol No. 14.) 

The final protocols become ecstatic in their 
enthusiasm for the new order. Before it comes 
they are to sweep away all those forces of anarchy 
and revolutionary Masonry by which they have 


prepared its entrance, so that in its path be left 
"no knot, no splinter." And again: 

"Then will it be possible for us to say to the 
peoples of the world : Give thanks to God and bow 
the knee before him who bears on his front the seal 
of the predestination of man, to whom God him- 
self has led His star that none other except him 
might free us from all the before-mentioned forces 
and evils." 

The following internal evidence is available as 
to the authenticity of the protocols. We know 
about Serge Nilus, who gave them to the world, 
little more than that he was a Russian of good 
family and repute. He may be alive or he may be 
dead. As to his comments on the protocols and 
his account of how he came to print them, we have 
no evidence beyond his own word that he is telling 
the truth. 

There is, however, one imdoubted fact upon 
which to build, and that is the date at which these 
protocols were given to the world. Fortunately 
that is set beyond doubt by the existence of a copy 
of the 1905 edition in the British Museimi. 

From what we can gather from Russians who 
have sought refuge in this country, the book made 


little or no impression when it appeared. Some of 
them allege that the whole edition except a few 
copies was bought up by the Russian Jews, but it is, 
of course, impossible to prove such an allegation. 
It is certain that the warning contained in these 
protocols was disregarded — their significance was 
not suspected. It was only when the Revolution 
fulfilled them in spirit and in letter that their 
importance was realized. And now they are in the 
mouth of every Russian. They all believe them 
genuine, by evidence which they at least regard as 
unassailable. "The proof of the pudding lies in 
the eating." 

As to the date on which the protocols were de- 
livered we have the assertion of Nilus that they 
were known to the Zionist Congress at Basle. 
That Congress brings us to the date 1897. But 
there is no evidence in the document that its 
authors have any concern with the Zionist move- 
ment ; indeed, their project of a universal domina- 
tion might appear to render Zionism unnecessary. 

From one bombastic reference to the possibility 
of blowing up the capitals of Europe by laying 
mines in the underground railways we see that the 
document is, at all events, modern. There is 
besides one reference to a living European states- 


man, a statesman prominently concerned with 
Freemasonry, secular education, and the League 
of Nations, who is described as "one of our best 
agents." There is also this curious reference: 

"In order that our scheme may produce this 
result we shall arrange elections in favour of such 
presidents as have in their past some dark undis- 
covered stain, some 'Panama' or other . . . then 
they will be trustworthy agents for the accom- 
pUshment of otu* plans out of fear of revelations." 

The first Panama Company, it may be re- 
membered, became bankrupt in 1889, and the 
scandal occupied the French public in the decade 
which followed. 

There is no reference to England in the protocols, 
the nearest approach being a statement by Nilus 
himself that the protocols were shown, among 
others, to a very wealthy and influential British 
Jew, now dead. But for this statement there is, of 
course, no evidence in the protocols themselves. 

So much then for the date. The protocols must 
have been delivered or written at some time be- 
tween 1889 and 1905. 

Now it must be considered evidence — not con- 
clusive, certainly, but very strong — that at that 


date there was foreknowledge or prediction of the 
great revolutionary movement which is now taking 
place. The means by which it was to be brought 
about, wars, the rise in prices, the corruption of 
governments, and the use of Jewish agents, all 
.- :jly to the revolution in Russia, and to the 
attempted revolutions in Germany and Hungary. 
It is known, for example, that the two Spartacist 
leaders in Germany were Jews, that Bela Kun, 
Szamuelly, and in fact nearly every one of the 
Hungarian revolutionaries were Jews, and there is 
universal testimony by all Christian refugees from 
Russia that the Soviet Commissaries, almost to a 
man, are Jews. Lenin is one of the few prominent 
figures not Jewish, but even Lenin is said to be 
married to a Jewess. 

In any event it is plain from the protocols that 
the leader of anarchy is not the King of Zion to 
whom they refer. He only leads the way and 
must himself be swept aside so that there may be 
not a splinter in the path of the King of the House 
of David. In the fourth protocol the course of a 
revolution is very accurately described: "In the 
early days mad raging by the blind mob . . . the 
second demagogy, from which is born anarchy, 
and that leads inevitably to despotism." 


Apparently not only Russia but the whole world 
must pass through these stages before the King of 
Zion is proclaimed. 

In the meantime it is at least clear, as Colonel 
Malone admitted, that Jews are behind the Revo- 
lution in Russia, and that is what, after all, the 
protocols claim. 

As to the several references to "our international 
super-government," these may or may not refer 
to the League of Nations, but it is my contention 
that such a government will play into the hands 
of the international Jews, and will weaken the 
sovereignty of nations. 

The boastful and bombastic character of the 
protocols remind us rather strikingly of those 
passages in Disraeli's Coningshy which claim for the 
Jews the control of European affairs, both on the 
revolutionary and conservative side. If these 
documents are genuine, this boastfulness is a crumb 
of comfort to the Christian peoples, since pride 
proverbially goeth before a fall. 

There is no doubt, however, that the Jews have 
a right to claim a very considerable influence in the 
movement of thought generally called "Modem- 
ism," or in politics "Liberalism." We have seen 
how L6mann asserted that the Jews who worked 


for this movement in Germany before the Revolu- 
tion were themselves faithful to the national or 
tribal principle of Judaism. We must, therefore, 
suppose that these Jews embraced Modernism, 
not for itself, but as a means of weakening Chris- 
tian nations. 

In this connection it is noteworthy that at the 
universal conference of the Jews held at Leipsic in 
1869, when the Alliance Israelite Universelle was 
founded, the following resolution was proposed by 
Dr. Philippson, of Bonn, seconded by Astrup, 
Chief Rabbi of Belgiimi, and adopted with ac- 
clamation : 

"The Synod recognizes that the development 
and realization of modern principles are the most 
certain guarantees of the present and the future of 
Judaism and its members. They are the most 
energetically vital conditions for the expansive 
existence and the most high development of 

It seemed to some democrats then a little hu- 
miliating that their universal movement should be 
claimed as serving the cause of a particular na- 
tionalism ; but if the apparently innocent resolution 
of 1869 has been translated into these terrible 


protocols of world revolution, the modern world 
must feel not merely humiliation, but horror. 

So much then for the internal evidence on its 
broad lines, the correspondence, that is to say, 
between the known activities of political and 
revolutionary Jewry and the claims of these 
protocols. We might simi up the case for their 
genuineness in the shrewd words of Abraham 
Lincoln : 

"When we see a lot of frame timber different por- 
tions of which we know have been gotten out at 
different times and places, by different workmen — 
Stephen, Franklin, Roger, and James, for instance 
— and when we see these timbers framed together 
and see they exactly make the frame of a house or 
a mill — or if a single piece be lacking, we see the 
piece in the frame exactly fitted and prepared, yet 
to bring such piece in — in such a case we find it 
impossible not to believe that Stephen and Frank- 
Un and Roger and James all understood one 
another from the beginning, and all worked upon a 
common plan or draft drawn up before the first 
blow was struck." 

At the same time, we must in fairness state our 
belief that if the document be genuine, it ought 
certainly not to be regarded as an indictment of all 


Jews, but of that section which, under a veil of 
Masonry and through the revolutionary parties 
among the Gentiles, works for ends kept secret no 
doubt from the majority of Jews themselves. 


We have now passed these protocols in general 
review. We have summarized their contents. 
We have pointed out that the document, as far 
as we know, cannot be "proved" in any legal 
sense. For the manner in which it was obtained 
and for its authorship alike there is the testimony 
of but one man — the Russian Nilus. 

And if we consider the internal evidence fairly 
it amounts to this: that the document predicts a 
world revolution, and a world revolution carried 
out by a Jewish organization, and that the revolu- 
tion now in progress — the Bolshevist Revolution — 
is in fact carried on mainly by Jews, and is an 
attempt at a world revolution. 

There we must leave it. If our readers believe 
that such a prophecy could have been made with- 
out foreknowledge by some anti-Semitic fanatic, 
then, of course, they will not accept the document 
as genuine. If, on the other hand, they believe 
that slich a hypothesis is untenable, then there is 



only the alternative that the document is genuine. 
If they believe the former they may sleep comfort- 
ably in their beds; if they believe the latter then 
they must regard the document as a very serious 
warning of a very terrible menace. They will, 
however, have this comfort — to be forewarned is 
to be forearmed. 

But before we leave this subject there is one 
side of the question which we must consider more 
fully, and that is the passages in these protocols 
which refer to Freemasonry. The main passage 
occurs in Protocol 15: 

"We shall create and multiply Freemasonic 
lodges in all the countries of the world, absorb in 
them all who are or who may become prominent 
in public activity, for in these lodges we shall find 
our principal intelligence office and means of in- 
fluence. All these lodges we shall bring under one 
central administration known to us alone and to 
all others absolutely unknown, which will be com- 
posed of our Learned Elders. The lodges will have 
their representatives, who will serve to screen this 
central administration, and from whom will issue 
the watchword and programme. In these lodges 
we shall tie the knot which binds together all 
revolutionary and liberal elements." 


Now, the attentive reader will connect this 
passage with certain other passages curiously 
similar which we have quoted in the course of these 
pages. There was, for example, the passage from 
Louis Blanc's History of the French Revolution: 

"They created occult lodges reserved for ardent 
souls . . . shadowy sanctuaries whose doors were 
only open to the adept after a long series of proofs 
calculated to test the progress of their revolu- 
tionary education." 

They will remember, also, that remarkable 
passage from Albert Pike's Masonic Ritual: 

"Masonry has not only been profaned, but it 
has even served as a veil and pretext for the plot- 
tings of anarchy, by the secret influence of the 
avengers of Jacques de Molai." 

They will remember, also, the passage quoted 
from the same author's Ritual of the Southern 
Jurisdiction of the United States: 

"My brother, you desire to unite yourself to an 
Order which has laboured in silence and secrecy 
for more than five hundred years with a single end 
in view, and hitherto with only partial success — 


that what you are now engaged in . . . will ex- 
pose you to danger, and that this Order means to 
deal with the affairs of nations and be once more 
a power in the world." 

These words, let it be remembered, are part of 
the ritual of an Order of Freemasonry known to 
have been chiefly founded by Jews, and suspected 
of being still largely under Jewish influence. 

We might carry our quotations further. The 
Grand Orient of France is generally believed to be 
under Hebraic influence. On April 2, 1889, the 
Grand Orient issued a circular which contained 
these words : 

"Masonry, which prepared the Revolution of 
1789, has the duty to continue its work." 

Again, these protocols speak of the destruction 
of religion as a means of undermining society. 
Let us see what the Grand Orient says of religion: 

"The triumph of the Galilean," says the Presi- 
dent of the Grand Orient, Senator Delpech, on 
September 20, 1902, "has lasted twenty centuries. 
But now He dies in His turn. The mysterious 
voice announcing (Julian the Apostate) the death 
of Pan today announces the death of the imposter 


God, Who promised an era of justice and peace 
to those who believed in Him. Masons, we re- 
joice to state that we are not without our share 
in this overthrow of the false prophets." 

Of these passages at least there is no doubt at 
all, for they are taken from the official literature 
of the Grand Orient. Let the reader decide for 
himself whether they are the mere vapourings of 
fanatical atheists or a part of the design of world 
revolution outlined in the protocols. 

But the protocols asserted that they intended 
to multiply Freemasonic lodges as a preliminary to 
revolution. What is actually being done? We 
know that English Masonry generally is non- 
political and loyal to British institutions. If there- 
fore these conspirators are carrying out their plan 
in this country it must be by the introduction into 
England of the Oriental or Scottish Orders of 
Masonry, that is to say, Masonry of the revolu- 
tionary type. 

Now in the year 1893 a French lodge called 
Les Litres Penseurs constituted itself into La 
Grande Loge Symholique Ecossaise de France, Le 
Droit Humain. One of the peculiarities of this 
Order was that it admitted women as well as men, 


and the movement has come to be known as Co- 
Masonry. And with this Co-Masonry was curi- 
ously mingled the cult of Theosophy. Those who 
have studied the movement find that the leading 
lights of Theosophy are usually members of the 
Co-Masonic lodges. 

But to proceed. In 1900, this new Grand Lodge 
transformed itself into a Supreme Council of the 
Ancient Accepted Scottish Rite. 

There are now a hundred lodges working under 
the Supreme Council, and they are to be found in 
France, Belgium, England, Scotland, India, Hol- 
land, Java, Switzerland, Norway, South Africa, 
and South America. Those lodges of this Order 
which use the English language have a subsidiary 
Council of their own, but are nevertheless an in- 
tegral part of the Continental Order. On the 
Council of the 33d Degree there are three English 
Co-Masons out of the total of nine, so that the 
British representatives are outnumbered by two 
to one. 

It is hardly necessary to say that this movement 
is not recognized by the Grand Lodge of England, 
which has cut off all relations with the Grand 
Orient of France on the ground of its atheism and 
also of its subversive political tendencies. But the 


original French members of the Co-Masonic move- 
ment were too advanced even for the revolutionary 
Grand Orient of Paris. 

As we have said, the British Co-Masonic lodges 
have a special Grand Council, and in England 
they have restored the Bible and the name of God 
to their ritual. . But six members of the Grand 
Council are carefully selected from above, and the 
representatives of the lower degrees are in a hope- 
less minority on the Council, while the Council 
itself is subject to the control of the 33d Degree 
sitting in Paris. Thus no new lodges can be 
founded without the sanction of the Supreme 
Council of Paris, and the petition must first be 
endorsed by the Council of England. It will thus 
be seen that this Co-Masonic organization has been 
very carefully thought out, and that its activities are 
subject to the control of an unseen hand in Paris. 

Now we do not allege that all the members of 
the Co-Masonic movement are conspirators. On 
the contrary, we believe that many of them are 
either honest enthusiasts or "those light-minded 
people" to whom the protocols so contemptuously 
refer. What we do suggest is that the movement 
was probably inaugurated and may probably be 
directed to revolutionary ends. 


We do not propose for the moment to say any- 
thing more of this Co-Masonic movement except 
this, that while some of its members seem to be 
respectable and innocent people, some others who 
are connected with it and who help to promote it 
are known also to be connected with the revolu- 
tionary and seditious movements which have 
recently disturbed and, indeed, endangered the 
British Empire. Of that we possess proofs. In 
the meantime we would confine ourselves to warn- 
ing the public of both sexes to beware of such 
movements. They are put before them in an 
alluring form, but those who join them may dis- 
cover too late that they are "the shadowy sanc- 
tuaries of revolution." 

It may now be useful to summarize what has 
gone before and also to make some general remarks 
upon the nature and effects of revolution. Our 
summary, then, is, first, that in all the revolu- 
tionary movements we have examined there are 
plain traces of design, and there is evidence also 
that this design is common to all revolutionary 
movements. In the second place, we have seen 
that certain Orders of Freemasonry have been 
active in this design, and that they have always 
been inspired by the same ferocious hatred of 


Christian Church and National State. And in the 
third place we have observed that a certain type of 
"advanced" or political Jews have been active, 
both in the Masonic organizations and in the revo- 
lutions themselves. They have not, it is true, led 
the forlorn hopes ; they are seldom to be seen either 
on the barricades or on the scaffold, but they lurk 
behind, active and energetic in intrigue, and giving 
the impression of a purposeful activity. 

We have seen how the Abbe Lemann, himself by 
race a Jew, was careful to distinguish between the 
advanced, or poUtical, Jew, who nourished great 
ambitions for himself and for his race, but who had 
Uberated himself from his religion, and the mass of 
Jews who are content to remain good citizens of 
the country of their adoption and satisfy the ideal 
side of their nature with the religion of their 

We may take it, then, that these ardent po- 
litical spirits dream a political dream which is a 
modern development of the Messianic prophecies, 
and that they have also in their blood a traditional 
and racial hatred for the Christian nations which in 
ages past have not treated their people too well. 
We see this hatred in the realm of Jewish thought, 
in the revolutionary system of Alexander Hercen, 

THE CAUSE OF WORUD il^]^ftB6!l' lOt 

the intellectual founder of Russian anarchy, in the 
explosive economics of Lassalle and Karl Marx, 
and in the passionate dreams of Heine. Heine 
gloats over the prospect of the "German thunder 
that is coming slowly but will come — when you 
hear an uproar such as there never was in history, 
know then that the German thunderbolt has 
struck its mark . . . the Germans will then stage 
a play in comparison with which the French Revo- 
lution was but an idyll." And, again, in his pre- 
diction of the r61e of Russia — "We do not mind a 
little slavery more or less, for through Russia we 
shall be liberated from the remains of feudalism 
and clericalism."* 

And, lastly, we have found that all these ele- 
ments come together in a revolutionary propa- 
ganda both Semitic and Masonic, which has been, 
as a fact, behind revolutionary movements both 
in the nineteenth and the twentieth centuries, and 
probably also in the eighteenth century. 

We arrive at these conclusions altogether in- 
dependently of the Nilus book, a book the credibil- 

' These quotations from Heine are taken from an extremely 
interesting article by the Count de Soissons on the Jews as a 
revolutionary leaven in the January, 1920, number of the Quar- 
terly Review. 

i<ig^ifSte'','d^FS.5J-QF 'WORLD UNREST 

ity of which rests, as we have said, entirely upon 
internal evidence. 

If these conclusions are well founded, a revolu- 
tion is not the result of what we might call spon- 
taneous social combustion but the result of design. 
Yet there is this caution to be made : a house does 
not spontaneously ignite, but it will bum fiercely 
if its materials are dry, combustible, and rotten. 
It will probably not catch fire at all if it is built of 
fireproof material and is inhabited by people who 
take proper precautions against fire. So with a 
nation; the social organization cannot be fanned 
into the flames of revolution, no matter what secret 
societies are at work, imless the conditions are 
favourable to revolution. The conditions favour- 
able to revolution have been diagnosed by states- 
men and by historians. They are not, properly 
speaking, the business of these papers, which was 
simply to look for the incendiary design, not to 
devise a fireproof house. Yet nevertheless we may 
suggest briefly the causes which predispose to 
revolution in all ages and in all nations. Wars 
certainly, and in particular unsuccessful wars, 
which leave soldiers imemployed, and produce in 
men a fitness for desperate deeds, are one cause. 
Bad trade, which throws men upon the streets 


and leaves them idle and ripe for mischief, which 
makes thousands of men think that any change is 
better than present conditions — that is another 
cause. We shall find if we look into it that prac- 
tically every revolution is preceded by a period of 
bad trade and unemployment. Bad harvests and 
scarcity of food, producing hunger and envy in the 
masses of the people, are another cause. Party 
rivalries and factions in the State, producing bands 
of men at enmity with the presiding Government, 
and willing to bring it down for their own purposes 
— these certainly constitute another cause. The 
character of the Government itself, whether it 
suppresses too much the common liberties of the 
nation, or, on the other side, is too indulgent with 
treason and crime, or, again, is inspired by imprac- 
ticable ideals which bring the State to disaster — 
here we have still another cause of revolution. And 
extravagant ideas in the minds of the people, 
whether of liberty so great that it injures others, 
or of wealth so easy that it resembles plunder, 
these, too, may induce to revolution. 

Moreover, it has happened in history that an 
astute and unscrupulous ruler, as, for example, 
Frederick the Great, may promote a revolution in 
a neighbouring country for his own purposes, by 


propaganda and by what we now call peaceful 

Certainly a country well governed by respected 
rulers, whose industries are prosperous, and whose 
subjects are reasonably happy, is the sort of na- 
tional house that does not readily take fire. It is 
for our statesmen to consider whether England is 
at present in this case. 

When all or any such disturbing conditions 
exist, then the wreckers work, then the shadowy 
sanctuaries of revolution become busy, and the 
people ripe for trouble are persuaded on every 
hand that their ills can be redressed by the de- 
struction of society. 

It is a terrible fallacy. A nation, and especially 
a modern nation, is a highly complex system of 
life. It has grown, it has developed, and it exists 
by the intricate interaction of millions of parts one 
with another. Russia was a country which of all 
countries in Europe could best stand a revolution, 
for its industrial organization was comparatively 
low. Ninety per cent, of the people lived on the 
land in a manner almost self-contained. They 
could live, although the machinery of modern in- 
dustrialism was brought to a stand. Yet even in 
Russia the inhabitants of the great towns and the 


middle and upper classes, all essential to the 
national life, have been almost altogether de- 
stroyed, except those aliens who were able to come 
to terms with the "terrible sect." The population 
of great cities has in many cases almost disappeared. 
Whole classes have been either destroyed or have 
fied the country. But consider the situation of 
such a country as England in a revolution, where 
less than half the people live upon the land, and 
more than half depend upon great intricate indus- 
tries in which they are all speciaHsts, and the 
profits of which buy for them all their necessities. 
Let us consider, too, that in this country most of 
our food does not come from the farm in the coun- 
try cart, but by ship and railway from great dis- 
tances and from foreign countries. If the industrial 
machinery is brought to a stop, if the carrying 
machinery is paralyzed even for a fortnight, more 
than half the nation is deprived of the means of 
existence. As individuals they are helpless; they 
must starve. If they rush the shops and plunder 
the warehouses, if they rob their richer neighbours 
and forage through the country in plundering 
hordes, they may exist a little while longer, but the 
end is no less inevitable. In any revolution which 
was really successful from the point of view of the 


revolutionaries, that is to say, in any revolution 
which paralyzed what is called the capitaHstic 
organization by which we live, at lease half and 
probably three quarters of the popiiJation would 
die of starvation. Let us not say chat it cannot 
happen because it has not happened so far. If a 
revolution occurs it must happen. 

France was comparatively fortunate in the 
Reign of Terror, because her population at that 
time was chiefly agricultural, yet it is certain that 
a large part of the population died, whether by 
massacre or by starvation. Prudhomme estimates 
that the death-roll in France during the Terror, 
including losses through civil war, was 1,025,711. 
In Nancy alone, by the guillotine, shooting, and 
wholesale drownings and by pestilence, 32,000 
people lost their lives. Taine says that there were 
nearly half a million victims of the Terror in the 
eleven provinces of the west alone. We now know 
that the revolutionaries saw clearly that the popu- 
lation could not continue to exist, and were deter- 
mined to reduce it. Courtois, in his report on the 
papers seized at Robespierre's house, speaks of a 
plan to annihilate twelve or fifteen millions of the 
French people. One of the Illuminati, Gracchus 
Babeuf , said that depopulation was indispensable. 


Prudhomme asserts that the Terror was part of 
a plan of depopulation conceived by Marat and 
Robespierre. Carrier, one of the instruments of 
the Terror, said: "Let us make a cemetery of 
France rather than not regenerate her after our 
manner." Jean Bon Saint- Andre is reported (by 
Larevelli^re-L^peaux) to have asserted that in 
order to establish the Republic securely in France, 
the population must be reduced by more than 
one half. 

And these massacres were indiscriminate. Mod- 
ern analyses of the names of the victims show that 
they were not chiefly aristocrats, but were drawn 
in the main from among poor and obscure people, 
small shopkeepers. Of the 1366 victims of the 
Great Terror in Paris, the largest proportion was 
either from the middle or the working classes. 
Hundreds of working men and working women 
were guillotined for reasons that cannot now be 
ascertained. It is probable that many of them 
were denounced out of panic, and many others for 
reasons of blackmail. People killed in order not 
to be killed, and the tribunal demanded victims 
at the rate of so many a day in order to overawe 
those who remained. 

Such things take place when the social order is 


in dissolution, when criminals and fanatics usurp 
the place of Government. And there is another 
terror added. For the enemies of a nation in revo- 
lution take the opportunity of attacking it, and 
invasion and internal war complete the destruc- 
tion. No nation can without a terrible catastrophe 
destroy its social and industrial order and its 
national discipline. 


"Want and opinion are the two agents which make 
all men act. Cause the want, govern the opinions, 
and you will overturn all the existing systems, 
however well consolidated they may appear." 
That maxim of revolutionary Freemasonry quoted 
by the Abb6 Barruel in his Memoirs of Jacobinism, 
towards the end of the eighteenth century, epi- 
tomizes the strange creed whose evolution has been 
traced. The inferences to be drawn from those 
mysterious pronouncements, beginning with the 
foundation of the Illuminati in Bavaria in 1776, 
down to the publication of the now famous Pro- 
tocols of Meetings of the ' ' Learned Elders of Zion " 
in 1905 by the Russian, Serge Nilus, are that for a 
long period of time a conspiracy has been gradually 
developing for the overthrowing of the existing 
Christian form of civiUzation, that the prime 
agents of that conspiracy were Jews and revolu- 
tionary Freemasons, and that its object, which it 
is claimed is now near fruition, is to pave the way 



for the world supremacy of a chosen people. We 
do not profess to be able to substantiate these in- 
ferences; all we can do is to draw attention to 
some of the great forces which in recent years 
have been motdding government and opinion and 
to see if they bear any resemblance in themselves 
and in their effects to the dreams and schemes 
fashioned by these eager and determined fanatics. 
Now, the first point which must strike any 
student of world movements at the present 
moment is that men are certainly acting. Indeed, 
compared with the ceaseless activities both in 
thought and action of the men of today, our fore- 
fathers were men who merely slept. Daring revolu- 
tionary ideals, daring revolutionary movements, 
are sweeping the world either towards a new 
heaven or towards the abyss — it depends upon 
one's point of view. Men, indeed, are acting, and 
the forces which are moving them are want and 
opinion! Strikes follow one another all over the 
world with the rapidity and concerted action of 
waves beating upon a shore, and the strikers 
proclaim that driven by want they are out 
for large increases in wages. In that connection 
it is worth quoting again a sentence from the 


"We shall raise the rate of wages, which, however, 
will not bring any advantage to the workers, for 
at the same time we shall produce a rise in prices 
of the first necessaries of life." 

So much for want. And as for opinion, great 
masses of men of different nationality, race, re- 
ligion, class, and profession are in these days 
swayed and driven and almost consumed by a new 
gospel which boldly bids for the place held through- 
out the Christian era by the old. This gospel is 
Bolshevism. It is derived primarily from the 
beatitudes pronounced by the Jew, Karl Marx, 
and its present fountain head is Moscow. Bolshe- 
vism is openly anti-Christian and revolutionary. 
It seeks to abolish property, to found the dictator- 
ship of the proletariat, to place the world under an 
international control. Now nearly all the Bolshe- 
vik leaders are Jews. That is a fact of tremendous 
significance. Here is a list, the result of much 
labotu:, and the work of several hands, which gives 
the pseudon5mis, the real names, and the racial 
origin of fifty persons who either are the actual 
governing powers in Soviet Russia, now or were 
responsible for the estabKshment there of the 
present regime : 



1. Lenin 

2. Trotsky . . 

3. Steklov 

4. Maxtov 

5. Zinoviev . . 

6. Goussiev . . 

7. Kamenev . . 

8. Souhanov . . 

9. Sagersky . . 

10. Bogdanov. . 

11. Gorev 

12. Ouritzky . . 

13. Volodarsky 

14. Sverdlov . . 

15. Kamkov . . 

16. Ganetzky . . 

17. Dann 

18. Meshkovsky 

19. Parvus 

20. Riazanov . . 

21. Martinov . . 

22. Tchemomorsky 

23. Piatnitzky. . 

24. Abramovitch 

25. Solntzev . . 

26. Zverzditch . . 

27. Radek 

28. Litvinov, alias Fin 

kenstein . . 

29. Lounatcharsky 

30. Kolontai . . 

31. Peters 

32. Maklakovsky 

33. Lapinsky . . 

34. Vobrov 

35. Ortodoks . . 

36. Garin 


Oulianov . . 

Bronstein , . 
















Goldberg . . 

Helphandt . . 






Bleichman . . 



Wallack . . 
Levenson . . 
Natansson . . 
Akselrode . . 
Gerf eldt . . 




(?) Jew 




37. Glazounov.. 

38. Lebedieva . . 

39. Joffe 

40. Kamensky.. 

41. Naout 

42. Zagorsky . . 

43. Izgoev 

44. Vladimirov 

45. Bounskov . , 

46. Manouilsky 

47. Larin 

48. Krassin 

49. Tchicherin 

50. Goukovsky 


Name. Race. 




. Jewess 













Foundamentzky . 







. Russian 

Tchicherin , . 

. Russian 


. Russian 

According to certain authorities Lenin's mother 
(as Hkewise the mother of Karenski) was a Jewess. 
Mr. Krassin's wife is also a Jewess. 

Some of these names are so familiar now to Eng- 
lish readers that it is unnecessary to give their 
biographies, but the following brief notes concern- 
ing the less known, but still prominent Bolsheviks 
may be useful : 

"Martov (4) was the leader of the Menshevik 
faction at the famous London Conference of 1893 
when the words 'Bolshevik' and 'Menshevik' 
first came into use. Lenin, representing the Bol- 
sheviks, was his opponent at that time. He is the 
only prominent Menshevik who has taken an 


active part in the Bolshevist regime. He has done 
so despite the fact that he has never ceased to 
predict ultimate disaster for the present Govern- 

"KAJkiENEV (7) is Trotsky's brother-in-law and 
the chief oratorical support of the Bolshevist cause. 
He is anything but democratic in manner and in 
some respects is cultivated. He is or was President 
of the Moscow Soviet. 

"VoLODARSKY (13) is now dead. He was a 
Jewish tailor from London, who joined the move- 
ment soon after it took form and became one of 
the most hated of the original Commissars. A 
mob of workmen killed him, but he did much to- 
wards launching Bolshevism. 

"Ganetzky (16) for a long time acted as liaison 
officer between the German General Staff and the 
Bolshevist leaders, making innimierable secret 
trips between Berlin and Moscow. It was through 
his efforts that German military aid was brought 
to the Red Army. Also he arranged the recent 
payment to Esthonia of 15,000,000 gold roubles, 
bringing the money to Reval from a bank in 

** LoUNATCHARSKY (29) is One of the few idealists 
in the movement and the man through whose in- 
fluence the Red Terror was moderated. 

"KoLONTAi (30) is the 'heroine' of the Bol- 
shevist movement and her marriage to Dybenko, 
leader of the sailors in the uprising which put the 


Bolsheviks in power, has been termed the 'romance 
of the Revolution.' It took place shortly after 
the establishment of the present Government, and 
she and Dybenko went off on a kind of honey- 
moon to preach in the Ukraine, not Commun- 
ism, nor Bolshevism, but Anarchy. This brought 
her into the bad graces of the Soviet, but later 
she modified her views, and is now the Soviet 
Commissar for Public Welfare. She is said to 
be a most violent personality. Her family was 

"Akselrode (35) is the man who, after the 
Revolution, closed down all the newspapers and 
seized their presses. Since that time only Bolshe- 
vist newspapers have been published in Russia. 
He is now Commissar of the Press. 

"GouKOVSKY (50) was the head of the Bolshe- 
vist mission to Esthonia, which was almost ex- 
clusively Jewish." 

Everybody, friendly or unfriendly, who has 
come in contact with the Bolsheviks agrees that 
they are almost entirely Jews. One of the first 
to meet them in an official capacity was Count 
Czemin, the Foreign Minister of the Dual Mon- 
archy. * * Their leaders, ' ' says the Count in a letter 
written in November, 191 7, "are almost all of them 
Jews with altogether fantastic ideas, and I do not 


envy the country that is governed by them." Of 
the Bolsheviks who took part in the Brest-Litovsk 
negotiations Trotsky was the one who most im- 
pressed the Count. "Trotsky," he says, "is un- 
doubtedly an interesting, clever fellow and a very 
dangerous adversary. He is qiiite exceptionally 
gifted as a speaker, with a swiftness and adroitness 
in retort which I have rarely seen, and has, more- 
over, all the insolent boldness of his race." This 
was in the humiliating days of Brest-Litovsk. 
What must now be the arrogance of Trotsky, the 
conqueror of Koltchak, Judenitch, Denikin, and, 
the organizer of victory, and the prime instrument 
in bringing England and her AUies nearer and 
nearer to the peace table ! 

Here is another piece of evidence one takes at 
random out of many. In the inquiry into Bolshe- 
vist propaganda by the Committee of the Judiciary 
of the United States, evidence was given by Mr. 
R. B. Dennis, a teacher in North-western Uni- 
versity, who had worked in Russia from November, 
191 7, to September, 191 8, first for the American 
Y. M. C. A., and since April in the Consular 
Service. He had been all over Russia, in Rostov, 
Kharkoff, Moscow, Nijni Novgorod, and Petro- 
grad. He says: 


"A thing that interested me very much was to 
discover a number of men in positions of power, 
Commissaries in the cities here and there in Russia, 
who had Hved in America ... in the industrial 
centres. I met a number of them, and I sat around 
and Hstened to attacks upon America that I would 
not take from any man in this country, 

"Senator Wolcott — In the main, of what na- 
tionality were they? 

"Mr. Dennis — Russian Hebrews." 

But perhaps the most impressive piece of evi- 
dence concerning the supremacy of the Jew in the 
Russian Revolution is that furnished in a report 
drawn up by Mr. Gerard Shelley, an Englishman 
who was present in Russia in 191 8. The Russian 
Anarchists, he points out, are entirely distinct 
from the Bolsheviks, and in their individualism, 
which rims to extraordinary extremes, have much 
more in common with the Slav temperament than 
with the highly concentrated system of govern- 
ment associated with Trotsky and his brethren. 
These Anarchists took a number of buildings, both 
in Moscow and Petrograd, which they used for 
teaching and other piuposes. Their principal 
lecturer was the well-known Anarchist, Lev 
Chemy, and Mr. Shelley attended a series of 


lectures delivered by him in the Officers' Eco- 
nomic Society in Moscow in April, 1918. These 
lectures caused tremendous excitement, particu- 
larly the last of them, in which the lecturer 
dealt with the Bolsheviks. He pointed out that 
Marxism, on which Bolshevism is founded, 
really did not express the political side of the 
Russian character, and that the Bolsheviks were 
not sincere SociaHsts or Communists, but Jews, 
working for the ulterior motives of Judaism. 
Lev Chemy divided these Jews into three main 
classes — ^firstly, financial Jews, who dabbled in 
muddy international waters; secondly, Zionists, 
whose aims are, of course, well known; and, 
thirdly, the Bolsheviks, including the Jewish Bund. 
The creed of these Bolsheviks, according to the 
lecturer, is briefly, that the proletariat of all 
countries are nothing but gelatinous masses, which, 
if the Intelligentsia were destroyed in each country, 
would leave these masses at the mercy of the 

Now comes the extraordinary sequel. On the 
very night on which this last lecture was deHvered 
the Bolsheviks attacked with cannon, cavalry, 
and machine-guns all the Anarchist headquarters 
both in Moscow and Petrograd, and murdered all 


the men they could find, Lev Chemy, however, 

As regards the programme of these Bolshevist 
Jews, a very interesting document was published 
by the Gazette de Hollande at the end of March, 
1 91 9. It contained detailed instructions to Bol- 
shevist agents abroad drawn up at a Council held 
at the KremHn in November, 191 8, at which Lenin 
presided, and Trotsky, Radek, and Tchicherin 
were present. A copy of this document fell into 
the hands of the Ukrainian General Staff, and the 
translation we take from M. Miliukov's illiuninat- 
ing book on Bolshevism, In parallel columns we 
give the Bolshevist proposals for direct action, 
drawn up in 191 8, and the rules of conduct laid 
down by the "Elders of Zion" in 1897: 

Revolutionary Work Protocols of the 

OF THE Bolshevist "Learned Elders of 

(Communist) Party. Zion." 

The work of the Bolshevist Our international million- 
organizations in foreign cotin- eyed agents, who are possessed 
tries is defined as follows. of absolutely unlimited means 

(Protocol 2). We must not 
stop short before bribery, 
deceit, and treachery (Protocol 

I. In the domain of inter- The intensification of arma- 
woiwwo/ politics: ments, the increase of police 


(o) To support Chauvinist 
movements and national con- 

(b) To provoke agitation in 
order to bring about national 

(c) To make attempts on 
the representatives of foreign 

By these means internal dis- 
turbances and coups d'etat will 
be brought about, and there 
will be increased Social Demo- 
cratic agitation. 

2. In the domain of internal 

(o) To compromise by all 
possible means the influential 
men in the country, to make 
attempts on the men in power, 
and to provoke agitation 
against the Government. 

(6) To provoke general and 
partial strikes, to damage ma- 
chinery and boilers, and to 
spread propagandist literature. 

By these means coups d'etat 
will be facilitated, and it will be 
possible to seize the supreme 

forces are all essential. . . . 
Throughout all Europe, and 
by means of relations with 
Europe in other continents 
also, we must create ferments, 
discords, and hostility. . . . 
We must be in a position to 
respond to every act of opposi- 
tion by war with the neigh- 
bours of that country which 
dares to oppose us; but if these 
neighbours also should venture 
to stand collectively against us, 
then we must offer resistance 
by a universal war (Protocol 
7). We have broken the 
prestige of the goyim kings by 
frequent attempts upon their 
lives through our agents (Pro- 
tocol 1 8). 

In order that our scheme 
may produce this result, we 
shall arrange elections in 
favour of such presidents as 
have in their past some dark 
undiscovered stain, some 
" Panama " or other . . .then 
they will be trustworthy agents 
for the accomplishment of our 
plans out of fear of revelations 
(Protocol lo). 

We appear on the scene 
as alleged saviours of the 
worker from this oppression 
when we propose to him to 
enter the ranks of our fighting 
forces — Socialists, Anarchists, 
Communists. ... By want 


3. In the economic domain: 

(c) To provoke and sup- 
port railway strikes, to blow 
up bridges and railway lines, 
and do everything to disorgan- 
ize transi^ort. 

(6) To impede and prevent 
the provisioning of the towns 
with com, to create financial 
difficulties and inundate the 
market with forged banknotes. 
Special committees should be 

In this way an economic up- 
heaval will bring about the in- 
evitable collapse, and the coup 
d'Siat will receive the sympathy 
of the masses. 

and the envy and hatred which 
it engenders we shall move the 
mobs, and with their hands we 
shall wipe out all those who 
hinder us. When the hour 
strikes for our sovereign lord 
of all the world to be crowned, 
it is these same hands which 
will sweep away everything 
that might be a hindrance 
thereto (Protocol 3). 

We shall soon begin to 
establish huge monopolies, 
reservoirs of colossal riches, 
upon which even large for- 
tunes of the goyim will depend 
to such an extent that they 
will go to the bottom together 
with the credit of the States 
on the day after the political 
smash (Protocol 6). We shall 
replace the money markets by 
grandiose government credit 
institutions. . , . These in- 
stitutions will be in a position 
to fling upon the market five 
hundred milUons of industrial 
paper in one day (Protocol 22). 

We shall create by all the 
secret subterranean methods 
open to us, and with the aid 
of gold, which is all in our 
hands, a universal economic 
crisis whereby we shall throw 
upon the streets whole mobs 
of workers simultaneously in 
all the countries of Europe 
(Protocol 3). 


The complete annihilation 
of the army will be effected, 
and the soldiers will adopt the 
Social Democratic Labour 

The supreme lord who will 
replace all now existing rules 
dragging on their existence 
among societies demoralized 
by us . . . will be obliged to 
kill off these existing societies 
though he should drench them 
with his own blood, that he 
may resurrect them again in 
the form of regularly organized 
troops fighting consciously with 
every kind of infection that 
may cover the body of the 
State with sores. 

So much for Russia and the part which Jews 
have played in the development of Bolshevist 
doctrine and organization. 


The Russian Revolution overshadows, of course, 
all others of modern times, and in a previous chap- 
ter evidence was submitted to show that the Bol- 
sheviks who engineered it are in an overwhelming 
majority Jews, and that their plan of campaign 
is to a considerable extent based upon the direc- 
tions laid down in the Protocols of the "Learned 
Elders of Zion." It now remains to discuss some 
other revolutionary movements in our day and to 
see what features and agents they had in common, 
and how far they can be traced to the same organi- 
zation or organizations which brought Lenin and 
Trotsky to the Kremlin and made Moscow the 
revolutionary storm centre of the world. Prior to 
and following the war, there have been revolu- 
tions or serious revolutionary outbreaks in Turkey, 
Portugal, Prussia, Bavaria, and Hungary, and 
there have been serious conspiracies in many other 
countries, notably in Holland, Switzerland, and 
only this year in France and Denmark. In all of 



these foreign influences played a notable part, and 
the question arises whether if these foreign influ- 
ences had been absent the revolutions would have 
been successful or necessary. Because a revolu- 
tion occurs it does not follow that it was either 
desirable or inevitable. The metaphor of a bacil- 
lus attacking a "run-down" body seems to fit. A 
State becomes weak, corrupt, insecure, and im- 
mediately the revolutionary bacilli flock to the 
enfeebled organism and begin the process of dis- 
integration. In some of these States, notably in 
Bavaria and Hungary, the revolutions had a short 
life, and the bacilli were soon expelled. But in 
others, Turkey and Portugal, they came to stay. 
As to Portugal, it may be a moot point to some 
whether their invasion has been to the benefit of 
the State. But in Turkey there can be no doubt. 
The revolutionaries who seized Constantinople and 
deposed Abdul Hamid sold their country in bond- 
age to the German. Enver and Talaat and the 
others were the willing instruments of Bieberstein 
and Wangenheim. The Turkish Revolution was 
the knell of the Turkish Empire. The example of 
Turkey, in a word, seems to remind us that a 
revolution may not be a healthful though drastic 
process but a scourge. 


The Turkish Revolution, it can be stated em- 
phatically, was almost entirely the work of a 
Masonic- Jewish conspiracy. The Young Turks, 
who consisted chiefly of Jews, Greeks, and Ar- 
menians, did not meet in the beginning with much 
success in their schemes, and it was not until they 
came in contact with Continental Freemasonry 
that things began to move. The following quo- 
tation from the well-known French Masonic re- 
view Acacia (October, 1908, No. 70) explains 
succinctly what was going on: 

/A secret Young Turk Committee was founded, 
and the whole movement was directed from Salon- 
ika, as the town which has the greatest percentage 
of Jewish population in Europe — 70,000 Jews out 
of a total population of 110,000 — was specially 
qualified for this purpose. Besides, there were 
many Freemason lodges in Salonika in which the 
revolutionaries could work undisturbed. These 
lodges were under the protection of European 
diplomacy, the Sultan was defenceless against 
them, and he could not any more prevent his own 

Indeed, one can go so far as to say that the 
Committee of Union and Progress was practically 
born in the Masonic lodge called "Macedonia 


Risorta" established by the Salonika Jew, Em- 
manuele Carasso. The same review to which we 
have referred above mentioned in 1907 that though 
Freemasonry was forbidden in Turkey there were 
two lodges in Salonika under the Grand Orient of 
Italy, the one we have mentioned above, and the 
other the Lodge " Labor et Lux." It is interesting 
to note that Carasso afterwards formed part of 
the Commission that deposed Abdul Hamid. 

Further information concerning the part that 
these Masonic lodges played in the Revolution is 
given in an interview which the Paris Temps of 
August 20, 1908, published with Refik Bey, one 
of the leading members of the Committee of Union 
and Progress. The correspondent of the Temps 
asked him about the part played by Freemasonry 
in the Revolution, and he replied: 

"It is true that we found moral support in Free- 
masonry, especially in ItaHan Freemasonry. The 
two Italian lodges, 'Macedonia Risorta' and 
'Labor et Lux,' rendered us real service and offered 
us a refuge. We met there as Masons, for many 
of us are Freemasons, but in reaUty we met to 
organize ourselves. BesMes, we chose a great 
part of our comrades from these lodges, which 
served our Committee as a sifting-machine by 


reason of the care with which they made their 
inquiries about individuals. At Constantinople, 
the secret work that went on at Salonika was 
vaguely suspected, and police agents tried in vain 
to obtain an entrance. Besides, these lodges 
applied to the Grand Orient of Italy, which prom- 
ised in case of need to procure the intervention of 
the Italian Embassy." 

The Committee of Union and Progress retained 
after the Revolution its Masonic and largely Jew- 
ish character. As a striking instance of its influ- 
ence, we may mention that Ahmed Riza Bey, the 
President of the Chamber, refused to use the word 
"Allah" in taking the oath prescribed by the 
Constitution, on the ground that, like Senhor 
Machado in Portugal, he was a Positivist. Here, 
then, is a curious link between revolutionary 
Portugal and revolutionary Turkey. 

Then came the counter-revolution of 1909, and 
it is interesting to note that the mutinous out- 
break of April 13th of that year, which was attrib- 
uted by the Committee to Abdul Hamid, was 
really led by troops of the Salonika Committee 
commanded by a Salonika Jew and Freemason, 
Colonel Renzi Bey. At any rate, immediately 
after the crushing of the counter-revolution the 


Jewish elements of the Committee of Union and 
Progress acquired more and more importance. 
Djavid Bey, the Finance Minister; Talaat Bey, 
the President of the Committee Party, who was 
perhaps more responsible than anyone else for 
handing over Turkey to Germany and thus en- 
compassing her ruin; Djahid Bey, Editor of the 
Tanin, were all Masons, and the first named was 
a Jew. Pohtical Masonic lodges sprang up like 
mushrooms all over Constantinople, and on April 
1st of that year (1909), representatives of 45 
Turkish lodges met in Constantinople and founded 
the "Grand Orient Ottoman." Mahomed Orphi 
Pasha was elected Grand Master, and the follow- 
ing "Turks" were elected among the highest 
officials: David Cohen, Raphaelo Ricci, Nicholas 
Forte, Marchione, Jacob Souhami, George Sur- 
sock. The Jew Djavid Bey, who later became 
Turkish Minister of Finance was elected Master 
of one of the Constantinople lodges. 

Terrorism and intimidation of every kind fol- 
lowed, and here Constantinople links itself up 
with Moscow and Budapest. The Ministry of 
PoHce was abolished and replaced by a "Public 
Security Department" on French Republican 
lines, and put under the direction of Ghalid Bey, 


a Freemason. It may be noted that the imitation 
of the French Revolution in many ways by the 
Young Turk is another interesting Hnk in the 
revolutionary chain. For example, a Committee 
Senator proposed to abolish the word "subject" 
and replace it by the French "citoyen," while 
the first "Young Turkey" issue of coins had the 
motto "Liberte, Egalit6, Fraternite" inscribed on 

And here we may again quote from the first 
Protocol : 

"Far back in ancient times, we were the first to 
cry among the masses of the people the words 
'Liberty, EquaHty, Fraternity.' ... In all 
corners of the earth the words ' Liberty, Equality, 
Fraternity' brought to our ranks, thanks to our 
blind agents, whole legions who bore our banners 
with enthusiasm. And all the time these words 
were cankerworms at work boring into the well- 
being of the goyim, putting an end everywhere to 
peace, quiet, solidarity, and destroying all the 
foundations of the goyim States. As you will see 
later, this helped us to our triumph; it gave us 
the possibility, among other things, of getting into 
our hands the master card — the destruction of 
the privileges, or, in other words, of the very 
existence of the aristocracy of the goyim, that 


class which was the only defence peoples and 
countries had against us. On the riiins of the natu- 
ral and genealogical aristocracy of the goyim we 
have set up the aristocracy of our educated class, 
headed by the aristocracy of money. The quali- 
fications for this aristocracy we have established 
in wealth, which is dependent upon us, and in 
knowledge, for which our learned elders provide 
the motive force." 

Furthermore, the Press was put under the con- 
trol of the "Directeur de la Presse Anterieur," 
called Nejib Fazli Bui, while the foreign Press was 
handed over to another Jew. Djavid Bey, the 
Minister of Finance, had a Jewish Mason, Messim 
Russo, as chef de Cabinet, and the Committee 
Party in the Chamber contained ninety Free- 
masons who voted as directed by Talaat. Within 
the Cabinet, there gradually was formed an inside 
Masonic Cabinet composed of Talaat, Djavid, the 
Sheik-ul-Islam, Moussa, Kiasim, and Mahmud 
Mukhtar Bey, Minister of Marine. The Proto- 
cols speak of an inner or a Jewish Masonry, the 
true governing power, and an outer or Gentile 
Masonry, which blindly follows the lead of a di- 
rection it does not suspect. The Grand Vizier, 
Hilmi Pasha, who showed some signs of rebellion, 


disappeared and was replaced by Hakki Pasha 
with a Jewish private secretary, whose brother- 
in-law, Jacques Menashe, was the go-between of 
Djavid Bey, the Minister of Finance, in negotia- 
tions for the loan with the Bernhard Drejrfus 
group in Paris, and in other matters of finance 
and concession. In a word, the Turkish State was 
held in a Judaeo-Masonic group which extended 
its power to the provinces by the creation of a 
network of lodges and clubs. 

One or two other points in connection with the 
Turkish Revolution are worth noting. Immedi- 
ately after the deposition of Abdul Hamid two 
papers were started in Constantinople, the Ger- 
man-Jewish organ, the Osmanischer Lloyd, edited 
by a German Jew, Dr. Moritz Grunwald, and the 
Jeune Turc, whose proprietor was Sami Hochberg, 
an Ashkenazin Freemasonic Jew. Both papers 
were upholders of Turkish Masonry and Zionism, 
and the Jeune Turc certainly aimed at the crea- 
tion of a Judaeo-Turkish State which would sub- 
jugate the other populations in the Tiu-kish 

At that period, too, a Jew named Santo Semo, 
who was at one time on Sir W. Willcocks's Irri- 
gation staff, gave conferences in Constantinople, 


Salonika, and other places, and strove to poison 
the Tiirkish mind against everything British in 
Mesopotamia. The "Agence Ottomane," the 
"Tiirkish" official agency which was managed 
by a Bagdad Jew named Salih Guirgi, was busy 
with the same game. 

It is unnecessary to emphasize again how this 
combination joined itself up with the Germans, but 
one quotation may be given from the Salonika corre- 
spondent of the Morning Post in a message from him 
which was published on May 19, 191 1. He said: 

"The Army officers and the Turks have long 
been displeased at the prominence acquired by 
individuals who are not regarded as true Turks, 
and whose connections with the Jews of Europe 
have been considered as facilitating Zionism. The 
Turks believe Zionism to aim at the establishment 
of a Jewish State in Asia Minor, and suspect that 
the Jewish colonies which the Zionists are planting 
in Syria are destined to be centres of foreign and 
especially German influence, for the Turks have 
long noticed the curious fact that the Jews, par- 
ticularly the Ashkenazim or Russo- Polish-German 
Jews, are all partisans of the German Empire." 

These, indeed, were prophetic words, and read- 
ers of the German Press will find any number of 


articles cordially approving from a German 
point of view the creation of such a Zionist 

There just remains one more development to 
add. "Constantinople," says one of the protocols, 
"is the eighth and last stage towards Jerusalem." 
Now one of the latest issues of the Moscow Pravda 
received in London contains the report of a meet- 
ing held recently in the Great Hall of the Moscow 
Polytechnic Museum, during which Bukharin, 
speaking on behalf of the Soviet of People's Com- 
missars, declared that the Bolsheviks are aiming 
at the reconstruction of a great and powerful 
Socialist Russia, which cannot exist if she does not 
hold the Straits of Constantinople. A member of 
the audience interrupted the speaker by crying: 
" That is MiHukov's policy." Bukharin called the 
interrupter a blackguard who does not wish to 
realize the interests of proletarian Russia. "If 
Miliukov woiild consent to work with us we would 
gladly give him a place of honour in our ranks," 
declared Bukharin. 

According to the Daily Express, Mustafa Kemal 
Pasha issued from Angora on July 8, 1920, a long 
proclamation addressed to the "Brothers of Islam 
and Commimist Comrades." He said: 


"Communist Comurades, an abominable crime 
is about to be perpetrated. The Great Powers 
have decided to exterminate a fresh victim, whose 
blood will be sucked by the capitaHsts of Europe. 
Our peasants are dying, weapon in hand. They 
can be sure that the days are near at hand when 
Islam, the ally of Communism, will avenge them." 

Later, Mustafa Kemal issued this further proc- 
lamation {Morning Post, July 20th) : 

"We have armies ready to march from Persia 
to Anatolia. After the Bolshevist victory in Po- 
land the Bolsheviks will enter Roumania. The 
Roumanians will answer the call to arms by a 
general strike. The Bulgars, too, are ready to 
unite with the Bolsheviks. The aim of our armies 
is to guard our independence and deHver the 
capital from the British." 

In 1 910 came the tiun of Portugal. Here, again, 
there is overwhelming evidence that the force at 
the back of the Revolution was Continental Free- 
masonry. Dr. Friedrich Wichtl, in his book Welt- 
freimatterei, Welt Revolution, Welt-republik, says : 

"Some readers may ask us which were then 
those circles which contributed the most to the 
downfall of the Portuguese Royal family? They 


are the leading families of the Castros, the Costas, 
Cohens, Peireras, Ferreiras,Teixeras, Fousesas,etc. 
They have many widespread branches besides 
Portugal, also in Spain, Holland, England, etc., 
and in America, where they occupy prominent 
positions. They are all related to each other, 
they are all united by the mutual ties of Free- 
masonry and . . . the Alliance Israelite 

This close connection between Portuguese Re- 
pubHcanism and Continental Freemasonry was 
indeed apparent from the outbreak of the Revo- 
lution. Senhor Magalhaes Lima, a Masonic Grand 
Master, was one of the chiefs of the Portuguese 
Republican Party and its delegate in France. He 
was in Paris during the outbreak on October 3, 
191 o, and in a pamphlet which he published at 
that time, entitled Republican Portugal, he said: 

"This Revolution will bear fruits, for the proc- 
lamation of the Republic in Portugal will not be 
an isolated case. It will have a world-wide effect, 
and first of all in Spain." 

Another prominent revolutionary was Senhor 
Luciano de Castro, a reputed Monarchist, who, 
however, did much to bring discredit to the Mon- 


archy. We have already referred to Senhor Ber- 
nardino Machado, the President of the Republic 
and a prominent Freemason. 

The violent anti-Christian character of the Re- 
public, particularly in its early days, is too well- 
known to need recapitulation. What, perhaps, is 
not so farmliar is the close connection of the Ger- 
mans with the whole movement and the use which 
was made of it in the German Press immediately 
on its outbreak for the purpose of discrediting 
England, the untrustworthy ally of Portugal, 
which was unable to save its King. Germany 
then began to lay its grip on the Portuguese colo- 
nies, just as she began to seize the Tiu*kish admin- 
istration immediately after the triumph of the 
Young Turks. Readers of the Lichnowsky Apolo- 
gia will recall how the former German Ambassador 
in London, in a deal which does not reflect much 
credit on British diplomacy and on loyalty to an 
ally, was able, early in 1914, to effect with Great 
Britain a division of the Portuguese colonies con- 
ditional on Portugal's acceptance. It was a daring 
move, too, for a member of the Entente Cordiale 
to propose, for the proposed division would have 
seriously jeopardized in favour of Germany the 
French African possessions, and it is now almost 


a matter of history that strong representations 
were made by Paris to Sir Edward Grey (as he 
then was) on the subject. Fortunately, the pro- 
posed deal never came off, because the Wilhelm- 
strasse, or, rather, the German General Staff, 
fearing that such a diplomatic agreement might 
postpone indefinitely the Great Day, vetoed the 
negotiations. But though Germany refused to 
accept the agreement, she still kept an eye on the 
colonies, and through her friends at Lisbon had 
begun a campaign for their seizure by the favour- 
ite device of sending missions, which were actually 
in Africa when the war broke out. 

Thus in both these revolutions we see an alien 
movement seizing authority and overthrowing the 
established forms of Government and reHgion and 
the predatory German coming in to seize the spoils. 

In the revolutions in Prussia, Bavaria, and 
Hungary, the influence of the alien authority, 
which in this case is openly that of the Bolsheviks, 
will be traced. 


With the adven-t of the Bolsheviks to power in 
Russia, a new situation was created in the inter- 
national conspiracy. In the Tiirkish and Portu- 
guese outbreaks, which have already been dis- 
cussed, the Continental Freemasons, working 
through their secret organizations, were the 
chosen instruments; with Lenin installed in Mos- 
cow, and using Russia as a platform, Bolshevist 
emissaries pure and simple were the means for 
disseminating unrest and provoking discord. 

We will now deal with their activities in Prussia, 
Bavaria, and Hungary. It is notorious, of course, 
that the Germans used Bolshevism as a means 
towards their own victory (witness Brest-Litovsk), 
though at the same time they were exceedingly 
imeasy at the consequences which its progress 
might have in their own country. But the whole 
attitude of Germany towards Bolshevism is very 
enigmatic, and in keeping with German mentality. 
Just as they were prepared to use the submarine 



warfare as a means of defeating the Entente (with- 
out considering seriously the consequences which 
might follow from America's entry into the war), 
so they are willing to toy with Bolshevism for the 
purpose of rendering nugatory the Treaty of Ver- 
sailles (without weighing risk of the revolution 
which Soviet government might bring about in 
the Fatherland) . At any rate the possibility of a 
Bolshevised Germany must always be considered 
by the Allies. When all allowance is made for 
German duplicity, the present situation is suffi- 
ciently serious, for already the Jews of Moscow, 
working through their emissaries in Germany, 
have succeeded to some extent in setting Prussia 
against Bavaria and town against country. 

Hungary is interesting because more than any 
other country it throws a vivid light on the inter- 
national character of Bolshevism. All the Bol- 
shevist forces (including those in England) are 
being called on to break down the Magyar ram- 
part, which stands resolute, with something of 
the spirit of the intolerant but impressive Count 
Tisza, against the floods that are pouring forth 
from the East. 

Revolution, when it came in Germany, was not 
a new and isolated event. War circumstances 


brought about revolution first in Russia, and 
Lenin's achievement was to recognize the psycho- 
logical moment at which to strike for it there. He 
succeeded. But this success in Russia was, in his 
eyes, only a first step to a wider success through- 
out the world. With this end in view, and revo- 
lution in Germany especially, he was ready to 
countenance any inconsistency in Russia, and to 
impose on her any fresh sacrifices. He was willing, 
for example, to postpone peace and continue war, 
and did this, when thereby he could promote his 
larger policy. Only by remembering this can we 
understand the Bolshevist manoeuvres at Brest- 
Litovsk, or their later designs on East Prussia. 

Only by remembering this, too, can we realize 
the full significance of the revolutionary attempts 
in Germany. The fact that in Russia circimi- 
stances permitted the Revolution to approximate 
at once to the wholesale scheme of Lenin — a 
scheme almost identical, as we have shown, with 
that of the Protocols — and the fact that in Ger- 
many revolution sought to move by partial stages 
in accord with the struggle between Socialist and 
Spartacist, these facts must not hide the conclu- 
sion that, in both, revolution was related with one 
and the same conspiracy. In both, as ever3rwhere 


else, Lenin is an opportunist on behalf of his pro- 
jected international upheaval. 

Already in May of 191 8, the Soviet had an ac- 
credited agent in Berlin. This was the Bolshevist 
Jew, Joffe, who was Red Ambassador there until 
the beginning of November, when he was returned 
across the frontier. The reason for his expulsion 
was his notorious activities in league with the 
Spartacists, as well as with the extremists among 
the Independent Socialists whose help the Ma- 
jority Socialists now felt able to do without. 

These Independents have not disavowed their 
traffic with Joffe, and through him with Moscow, 
in preparing for the Revolution in Germany. 
Barth, who seems to have been the chief medium 
for it, denied only that Moscow financed it. Barth 
has admitted every kind of support and assistance 
from the Bolsheviks in fiu-thering the Revolution 
except money. This denial of financial help is not 
corroborated by Joffe. The expelled Ambassador, 
on the contrary, boasted of having given Barth 
"htmdreds of thousands of marks." In any case, 
that large sums were passed from him to the Spar- 
tacists is as much beyond doubt as that Joffe had 
deep resources of money for this particular revo- 
lution-fostering campaign. In Lenin's own words 


it was "a chain of revolutions" that was being 
forged, and in that chain "the chief Hnk was the 
German one." His artisan Joffe, at work in Berlin 
on the German link during the simimer of 191 8, 
is believed to have had four million marks placed 
at his disposal by the Soviet for the job. 

Joffe had scarcely disappeared from Berlin when 
Radek (Sobelson) arrived there. Jew succeeded 
Jew. Joffe had been sent as Ambassador to the 
Government of the Kaiser, and his secret traffic 
with the Spartacists revealed itself gradually. 
Radek, on the other hand, entered Germany by 
stealth, and was Lenin's representative sent ex- 
plicitly to negotiate with the Spartacists, and 
with the Jew Liebknecht in particular. For 
Liebknecht had by now been liberated from 
prison, and as between him and the revolutionary 
Government, of which Noske was proving the 
strong man, the game of "pull Devil, pull baker," 
had begun. Radek immediately took a hand on 
Liebknecht's end of the rope. On the last days 
of 1 91 8, these two were openly advocating a 
"Revolutionary Communistic Labour Party of 
the German Spartacus-band." On an early day 
of 1 91 9, according to good authority, a document 
signed by both clinched the connection between 


the Moscow and the BerKn "comrades," Lieb- 
knecht putting his name to it as prospective 
President of the German Soviet Republic, and 
Radek as accredited Plenipotentiary of the Rus- 
sian Soviet Republic. 

The terms of this alleged pact, which is believed 
to have been concluded in the attic of the Jewess, 
Rosa Luxembourg, in Berlin, are given by M. 
Paul Miliukov. Lenin on his part undertook 

"i. To recognize Liebknecht as President of 
the German Soviet Republic; 

"2. To furnish important funds for Spartacist 

"3. To place specially trained agents at the 
disposal of the Spartacists; and 

"4. To order Soviet armies to take the offen- 
sive and cross the German frontier in support of 
a simultaneous Spartacist rising in Berlin"; 

while Liebknecht undertook 

" I. To establish a Soviet Government in Ger- 
many immediately upon his advent to power; 

"2. To observe faithfully and put into prac- 
tice all the teachings of Lenin's doctrines; and 

"3. To raise a Red Army of 500,000 men to 
be placed under the supreme command of the 
Commissary for War at Moscow." 


Eichhom — who, it is worth remembering, had 
been in Joffe's service earlier — was in this league, 
and a few days later the rising under his direction 
was scotched by Noske's troops, and Liebknecht 
and Rosa Luxembourg were murdered. The hand 
of Moscow in this attempt was proclaimed abroad 
by the Majority Socialist Government itself, 
which threatened reprisals against such Russians 
as should have been found to have shared in it. 
Radek was arrested ; but Radek by this time had 
contrived to establish some thirty Bolshevist or- 
ganizations throughout Germany, and so, with him 
as well as fifty or a hundred Spartacist leaders off 
the scene, the attempted new revolution of March 
6th to 13th was still possible. It, too, failed, even 
with the Independents' help, but it brought into 
the light once more the strength of the union 
between the German and the Russian Bolsheviks. 

All Lenin's eggs were never in one basket, or 
even in half a dozen baskets. The smashing or 
cracking of them in one place or in six was re- 
garded by him as merely a local reverse. His 
objective was world-wide revolution, and he was 
pursuing it ever5rwhere. Radek' s activities had 
spread far beyond Berlin and Russia, as the March 
risings on the Rhine and in Hamburg and else- 


where proved, and in Bavaria they had important 

Immediately following the murder of the Prime 
Minister, Kurt Eisner (himself a Jew, Saloman 
Kusnowsky by name), and the proclamation of a 
Soviet Republic in Bavaria by the Munich Wom- 
en's, Peasants', and Soldiers' Council, a Russian 
Bolshevik appears prominently. Max Livien, a 
Jew of Moscow, was on the spot, awaiting events 
and preparing for them. There was always some 
emissary of Lenin on the alert at points of out- 
break. Livien was at once elected a member of 
the Executive Committee, and he at once declared 
a policy in accord with that of the Russian Bol- 
sheviks. There was to be no Diet, but only a 
proletarian dictatorship. Bavaria was to be al- 
lowed to work out its own scheme of government 
without interference from Prussia. All over Ger- 
many, independent Soviet Republics were to be 
set up. Here, in fact, were all the signs of Lenin's 
world-revolution policy — the disintegration of the 
State, a Communist subversion of authority, and 
the rule of Moscow supreme. The Bavarian plan 
was only partially successful from the beginning, 
and in the end it failed, but it dovetailed into the 
general conspiracy and helped it forward. 


It is, in fact, the great strength of Lenin's ma- 
noeuvres that even when immediately unsuccessful 
they dovetail into the general cause, working for 
its ultimate good. Germany did not prove ready 
to jump to the Soviet idea, but the attempts to 
force her to it, even while they failed, increased 
that "attenuation by suffering" through which, 
in Lenin's own declarations, the peoples through- 
out the world coiild be brought to Bolshevist heel. 

Thus, although Liebknecht had disappeared, 
Moscow still dallied with the project, signed with 
him, of ordering Soviet armies to take the offen- 
sive against Germany. That was only one of sev- 
eral offensives contemplated, and in attempting 
these together the Bolsheviks bit off more than 
they could chew. But if nothing came of this par- 
ticular military enterprise, it has to be remem- 
bered that the others in the plan — against the 
Allies in North Russia and Denikin and Koltchak 
in the South — have now all been accomphshed, 
largely no doubt through Allied mistakes. Lenin 
has always known how to wait. 

And circumstances have always enabled him 
when pitted against other opportunists to wait 
longest. Here let us recall that while it was 
Germany who gave Lenin safe conduct to Russia, 


it was ourselves who introduced Trotsky to his 
side in that unhappy country. Against the single 
purpose which those errors aided, hand-to-mouth 
policies had no chance; and the aid lent to world- 
revolutions by the errors was so timely that the 
speculation is unavoidable whether they were not 
deliberately directed to this end. The question 
may well be asked how it came about that 
Lenin and Trotsky were allowed to foregather in 
Russia just in the nick of time for their grandiose 

The German Governments — both the Imperial 
before the Revolution and those that came after 
it — played an opportunist game with Lenin as he 
with them, but he played it better. We have 
Trotsky's account of Brest-Litovsk, and how Mos- 
cow bided its time while that apparent victory for 
the ex-Kaiser's policy worked out to its undoing. 
His Socialist successors have similarly played fast 
and loose with the Bolsheviks, according as the 
Spartacist fortunes seemed to allow them to flout 
Moscow or to favour it. The game is not finished. 
Lenin's chief pawn in it is the Third International, 
the creation of which, through the defeat of its 
predecessors, has been his constant aim throughout 
the war and since; and it is significant that revo- 


lution in Germany is specifically set by the Third 
International in the forefront of the Revolutions 
which it was pledged to foster. The Bolshevist 
hand was detected, by the most competent ob- 
servers, in the Kapp rising, and this Mon- 
archist failure strengthened the Spartacist cause 
in Germany. We can trace the same design in 
still more recent events, such as the Bolshe- 
vist order which has gone forth for the expul- 
sion of so influential a rival as Kautsky from 
the ranks of the German Independent Socialists. 
This is to be interpreted as a renewal of confidence 
in Moscow, following on successes against Poland 
to take a directing hand in German revolutionary 

The Revolution in Himgary is particularly in- 
structive. Here the Bolsheviks made clever use 
of the exasperation aroused in a proud country by 
peace conditions which placed it in a position of 
inferiority to its ancient and despised enemies. 
Bolsheviks make use of any weapon, even the 
nationaHsm which is their main obstacle. If a 
principle or a prejudice has possibiHties they use 
it; when it has served its purpose they throw it 
aside. This dexterous inconsistency is one of the 
secrets of their power. The appeal to nationaHsm 


was for the time being successful in Hungary, just 
as no doubt Lenin hopes he will have a similar 
result from the appeal he is at present making to 
the reviving national spirit in Russia, as shown 
in the talk about recovering Russian territories 
in Poland and the revival of the claims to 

The "National Council" which, it will be re- 
membered, overthrew the Hungarian Government, 
was composed, according to Mr. Ashmead-Bart- 
lett, the special correspondent of the Daily Tele- 
graph, of the leaders of the Radical wing of the 
Old Independent Party, the Jewish Maffia and 
the Social Democrats. The ground had been care- 
fully prepared by Jewish-Bolshevist propaganda, 
and according to an account of it written by an 
Hungarian lady. Mile. Charlotte Geocze, who at 
the time of writing was obviously unaware of the 
existence of the Protocols, it bears a striking re- 
semblance to the plan of campaign outlined by 
the "Learned Elders of Zion." In a series of 
articles edited by the former Hungarian Prime 
Minister, M. Huszar, the writer of one of them, 
the editor of the Nenzeti Ujsag, emphatically de- 
clares in that connection that Bolshevism cannot 
be explained alone by the revolutionary spirit in 


the air and by the economic crisis occasioned by 
the war, unless at the same time one accepts the 
fact that its moving force is the tenacious and 
secret solidarity of the Jews. A further point 
made is the continuous immigration of Russian 
Jews into Hungary from the East, which proceeded 
in a regular rotation; Jews settling down among 
the Ruthenians as money lenders, ruining the 
peasants and then returning home. A particular 
race of Jews, the Khozar, took a prominent part 
in this movement. 

Bela Kun, the leader of the Hungarian Bolshe- 
viks, was a Jew, and nearly all his ministers, like 
Friedlander, Wertheim, Dorscak, and Kohn, were 
also Jews. Kun was in close touch with Lenin, 
and was directly inspired by him in all his acts. 
Wireless communication was maintained between 
Moscow and Budapest, and some of the messages 
thus exchanged made exceedingly interesting read- 
ing. In a well-known message of greeting Lenin 
was informed: 

"The Himgarian Proletariat, which yesterday 
took the entire State power into its hands, has 
introduced the Dictatorship of the Proletariat into 
the country, and greets you as the leader oj the 
International Proletariat.'' 


Many of these messages are to be found in the 
book, Secret Documents of the Bolshevist Propa- 
ganda, compiled by Professor Szabo, of Hungary, 
and published in Budapest over a year ago. One 
message from Tchicherin, the Bolshevist Com- 
missary of Foreign Affairs, to Bela Kim, sent in 
cypher, with reference to preparing the soil in 
London, says: 

"It would be usefiil to get into touch with the 
Russian People's Information Bureau in London. 
You could best do this by means of Sylvia Pank- 
hurst, whom you can approach through the Daily 

In the Daily Herald of there recently appeared 
the following: 

"Mrs. Despard, Robert Dell, and Harold Gren- 
fell, as the 'Donors' Committee' of the People's 
Russian Information Bureau, are asking for £500 
to clear off outstanding liabilities and the estimated 
deficit on the next year's work of the Bureau. 
The Bureau, as most of our readers know, exists 
to circulate, collect, and tabulate information on 
the Russian situation." 

Mrs. Despard is well known. Mr. Dell was 
formerly Paris correspondent of the Manchester 


Gtcardian, and was requested by the French 
Government to leave Paris during the war. Mr. 
Grenf ell was formerly in the Navy and attached to 
the Embassy in Petrograd. He was the subject of 
a question addressed to the Prime Minister by Mr. 
Raper in the House of Commons on July ist, 1920. 
Mr. Raper supplemented his question by asking 
Mr. Bonar Law if he was aware that documents 
had recently been sent to London by the British 
Minister in Finland implicating General Sir Hubert 
Gough, head of the late Inter- AlHed MiHtary 
Mission to Finland, also Commander Grenfell, 
and Professor Cotter, "as being associated with 
a notorious Bolshevist agent in Helsingfors." 
Mr. Bonar Law replied that he had not heard of 
it, and subsequently, on July 13th, in reply to a 
further question by Mr. Raper, the Leader of the 
House said that he had read the letters referred 
to, but did not think that they called for any 

The overthrow of Bela Kun was one of the 
severest blows dealt at Bolshevism, but it is worth 
while noting that General Smuts was entrusted 
with one of those amazing Prinkipo missions for 
the purpose of coming to some understanding with 
the Bolsheviks before the French and the other 


Allies were allowed to advance on and occupy 

The campaign led by the Bolsheviks against 
Hungary ever since the return of civilized govern- 
ment has been extraordinarily malevolent and 
widespread. Bela Kun's Jews, imported from 
Russia, carried out appalling atrocities during 
their tenure of power, and on his expulsion there 
were some sporadic massacres organized by infu- 
riated Hungarian officers, whose womenfolk had 
been shamefully maltreated. But the Govern- 
ment did, and is doing, all in its power to check 
any such excesses. Notwithstanding that fact, 
the pro-Bolshevik papers in Europe, including 
those in England, were deluged with lurid accounts 
of atrocities committed by the anti-Bolshevik 
Hungarians. So persistent were these reports that 
official inquiries were made by the Allied Missions 
in Budapest, and their conclusions, which were 
published in a British White Paper, were to the 
effect that there were practically no atrocities at 
all, and that instead of thousands being massacred 
not more than fifty had been put to death. Yet 
in spite of this exposure, international labour has 
decided on a boycott of Hungary, though in the 
same breath it objects to any anti-Bolshevik 


measures against Russia on the ground that it 
would be interfering in the internal affairs of 
another country. 

In both Germany and Hungary and, since the 
writing of this paper, also in Poland, the Jews of 
Moscow have suffered checks, but the battle has 
not yet been fought to a conclusion. 

Revolutionary movements, both prior and sub- 
sequent to the war, have now been analyzed, and 
evidence of a common design, of a universal con- 
spiracy, operating secretly through Freemasons 
and openly through Bolsheviks, has been put 


To describe the unofficial activities of the Jews in 
Paris would be to describe the work of the Con- 
ference. Mr. Wilson was surrounded by them; 
even M. Clemenceau had his watch-dogs; and as 
for the British delegation, one has only to mention 
the names of Lord Reading and Mr. Montagu 
and the close interest they took in the delibera- 
tions. Indeed, it will be remembered that there 
was a strong movement to include the Lord Chief 
Justice in the original delegation, but, owing to 
the strong opposition aroused in this country, 
nothing came of it. 

Now the statesmen of Paris, like the Bolsheviks, 
were guided by general principles. That is the 
dominant, the pecuHar feature of the Peace Con- 
ference at Paris. And in that connection let us 
quote from the History of the Peace Conference, 
the first volume of which has just been issued 
under the auspices of the Institute of International 
Affairs. The concluding paragraph of an interest- 



ing chapter on the Bolshevist attitude at Brest- 
Litovsk is as follows: 

*'Thus by the close of the year it was evident 
that the demand for evacuation and the right of 
self-determination meant for the Bolsheviks no- 
thing but the right of 'bolshevising,' and the appeal 
of their peace formulae at Brest had long since 
lost its original force. Yet, in their argimients 
with the Germans, they had applied self-deter- 
mination in a bold and far-reaching way, that 
remained not without influence in many quarters ; 
Ireland and Bosnia, Egypt, India, and Persia ap- 
peared along with Posen and Alsace-Lorraine and 
Armenia. The Russian catchword of 'peace with- 
out annexations or indemnities,' which the Bol- 
sheviks had taken over and amplified, had made 
a deep, if indefinite, impression. The demand for 
no economic boycotts figured among the war aims 
of many anti-Bolshevist bodies of opinion, and 
the precedent of the attempt to realize *no secret 
diplomacy ' was not forgotten. The effect of these 
ideas was conflicting, and to a large extent impal- 
pable, and they had become in the main divested of 
any specifically Bolshevist setting, but, in conjunc- 
tion with President Wilson's enunciation of princi- 
ples, they coloured the minds and imaginations of 
such numbers that they exercised an immediate and 
profound influence upon the Peace Conference." 


It is not by any means the first time that the 
principles enunciated by President Wilson have 
been linked up with the new gospel which is 
being preached at Moscow. Indeed, there is rea- 
son to believe that a famous European statesman, 
smarting under the indifference of the Paris Mount 
Sinai to the grievances of his country, bluntly 
told the President that he and Lenin were preach- 
ing the same doctrine, and that between the 
Fourteen Points and the KremHn manifestoes 
there was little to choose. And really if judged 
by their distintegrating force, there is little to 
choose between the one set of pontifical ex- 
plosives and the other. A Sinn Feiner or an 
Egyptian Nationalist can justify murder from 
either, and "making the world safe for democracy" 
and "the dictatorship of the proletariat" sound 
equally sweet in a rebel's ear. Common to both 
Washington and Moscow is the necessity of an 
international control of the world; to one it is the 
League of Nations, to the other it is the Third In^ 
ternationale. The idea is the same though the 
instruments are different. 

And it is difficult to estimate who shouted the 
louder cry of self-determination. Trotsky and 
his Jews were ready to barter away the whole 


Russian Empire for the sake of this holy principle. 
Why ? Because like the ' ' Learned Elders of Zion" 
they saw beyond the ignorant present. At the 
time of Brest-Litovsk the application of any 
principle to the Russian Empire, shattered by war 
and under the menace of Hoffman's whip, really 
did not matter very much. But what about the 
British Empire, and its diverse nationalities all in 
different stages of political development? Such a 
principle skilfully applied might have all the mys- 
terious effects of an arsenical dose. The need for 
some such doctrinal poison was all the more neces- 
sary because to the surprise and disappointment 
of the Bolsheviks the war did not end in a draw, 
but in an overwhelming victory for the Entente 
Powers. Accordingly the parrot cry of self-deter- 
mination was used for all it was worth, and to the 
intense gratification of Moscow was taken up in 
Washington, and in many a sonorous sentence 
was commended to French Senators and British 
working men. 

It worked, and is working extraordinarily well, 
in Ireland, Egypt, India, and, who knows, perhaps 
soon in Central Africa. The only place where 
apparently it is not allowed to work is Palestine, 
where less than twenty per cent, of Jews under Sir 


Herbert Samuel are providing themselves with a 
national home at the expense of eighty per cent, 
of Arabs. To sacrij&ce an Empire for a principle 
is surely a new thing in political idealism. Self- 
determination has indeed proved the choicest 
weapon in the Bolshevist armoury. Trotsky could 
afford to be generous to Finland if it meant in 
time the gradual break-up of the United Kingdom; 
he could scatter constitutions among the Baltic 
States and the Tartars of the Caucasus if the news 
of this largesse were to awaken the appetites of the 
politically half-baked communities of the British 
Empire. All Trotsky's anticipations have been 
amazingly realized as the British taxpayer rue- 
fully admits when he thinks of the military bud- 
gets of Egypt, Ireland, Mesopotamia; war can be 
fought with ideas as well as with minenwerfer. 

The British Empire at this moment is in the 
full throes of the revolutionary trouble bequeathed 
to it by the Peace Conference with its crude views^ 
its mandates and plebiscites, and all the parapher- 
nalia of democratic quackery. Self-determination 
is producing its monstrous brood all over the 
Empire, but it is curious to note how quiescent it 
is at present in the lands where the Bolshevist 
writ runs. It is now on the ebb, and the tide is 


running in favoiir of nationalism; witness the 
recent declaration of Bukharin on behalf of the 
Soviet of Peoples' Commissions for the reconstruc- 
tion of a great and powerful Socialist Russia, 
"which cannot exist if she does not hold the Straits 
of Constantinople." Here again is another illus- 
tration of the way in which the Bolsheviks will use 
a weapon and then discard it when it has served its 

It is, then, a curious coincidence that, apart 
from their divergent views on the subject of capital, 
Washington and Moscow should have so much in 
common. The trump card of both is the same — 
international control — and if Lenin abominates 
the League of Nations, he does so because it 
is capitalistic, not because it is international. 
Whence, then, did Mr. Wilson derive his material? 
It was a subject which greatly interested Paris 
during the Peace Conference, and much was 
written about the eminent Jews who surroimded 
the President. The present scheme for the 
League of Nations was originated in 19 14 at the 
Conference of the League to Enforce Peace under 
the leadership of Dr. Eliot and ex-President Taft. 
The plan then submitted was the basis of the 
scheme of the League as drafted at the Paris Con- 


ference by Lord Robert Cecil, General Smuts, and 
President Wilson. These names do not give war- 
rant for the theory that the League of Nations as 
now constituted is the result of the work of Jewish 

During the war, before America intervened, 
writes "Pertinax, " in the Echo de Paris "was 
founded the American Neutral Conference Com- 
mittee, which took upon itself the task of bringing 
about peace with a victorious Germany. Then 
appeared for the first time all the formulae of the 
League of Nations, the anathemas launched against 
the 'old diplomacy,' which was said to be respon- 
sible for bringing about the war. On this point 
consult the work, How the Diplomatists Caused the 
War, written by Mr. Heubsch, the colleague of 
the Neutral Conference Committee." 

The brilHant French writer, M. Charles Maur- 
ras, in his book Les Trois Aspects du President 
Wilson also deals with this subject — "The decisive 
influence exercised on Mr. Wilson by a very small 
company, financiers by profession, domiciled be- 
tween Hamburg, Frankfort, and New York." 
"They were," he says, "identified with the Asso- 
ciation for the League of Free Nations, with its 
seat in America. M. Maurras goes on to declare 


that Mr. Wilson in time fell completely under their 
influence, and that there is written evidence to 
that effect, and he is inclined to the opinion that 
Freemasonry was used as the channel for the dis- 
semination of these ideas. 

Here, then, there opens up a most fruitful field 
of speculation. But let us carry the argument a 
little further. The principle of self-determination, 
as we have seen, not only tends to act as a solvent 
of existing Empires, but it also handicapped 
seriously the creation of the new States which 
were brought into existence by the magicians of 
Paris. To imagine that a nation could be created 
by a plebiscite, and that a State could be con- 
stituted on the principle of nationality alone, with- 
out securing for it adequate economic safeguards 
and strategic frontiers, was a fallacy entertained 
at Paris which has had most unfortunate conse- 
quences for the peace of Europe. In Turkey, the 
fallacy reached ludicrous lengths. An independent 
Armenia was created, and the guarantors of its 
independence at present are Viscount Bryce and 
the humanitarians of the world; nobody else will 
touch it. 

Moreover, even if it were safely constituted, 
other believers in self-determination — ^Assyro- 


Chaldeans, and so on — would raise claims against 
it. The Hapsburg Monarchy has been divided 
into States all beautifully constituted on the same 
wonderful principle, but apparently incapable of 
standing on their own legs. In plain words, the 
Peace Conference was unable to reach a political 
settlement, and because there was no political 
settlement we now have economic unrest, high 
prices, demands for increased wages, strikes to 
enforce them, and general Bolshevism. The 
protocols say : 

"We will create a universal economical crisis 
by all possible underhand means, and with the 
help of gold which is all in our hands." 

Now, the supreme instance of this attempt to 
create States on an unsure foundation, and with- 
out proper economic and strategic frontiers, is 
Poland. Let us briefly summarize the case for that 
country. The policy of France throughout her 
history had been to seek some ally in tne East who 
would act as a check on any move by the German 
States across the Rhine. Turkey, Sweden, Russia, 
all acted as that counterpoise, and with the fall of 
Russia French statesmen looked to the creation of 
a strong Poland to serve that historic purpose. A 


strong Poland was, therefore, a French interest, 
and, as Great Britain is the ally of France, pre- 
sumably a British interest also. Indeed, to judge 
from a recent quotation by Mr. Lloyd George of 
a speech of Disraeli, a strong Poland would, in 
British eyes, act as a check not only on Germany 
but on Russia. 

Now, what happened at Paris? Strategically 
and economically Poland was compelled to make 
a bad start. The Polish Commission three times 
reported in favour of giving Dantzig to Poland, and 
three times their report was turned down — by Mr. 
Lloyd George. On the question of Upper Silesia 
the Commission was also favourable to Poland, 
and therein it was backed by President Wilson. 
But one fine day the President veered round, and 
insisted on a plebiscite. That change of mind was 
one of the mysteries of the Conference which may 
some day be revealed. The same story of a vague, 
unsettled conclusion applies to Eastern Galicia. 
Thus, in such vital matters as sea communications, 
coal and oil supply, Poland was severely handi- 
capped from the very beginning. Why? A strong 
Poland is not a Jewish interest. For one thing, how 
many EngHshmen are aware of the enormous 
Jewish population which lives within the ethno- 


graphical boundaries of Poland? In 191 o the total 
number of Jews in the worid was, roughly, 12,506,- 
238, and in 1900 almost five million Jews lived in 
Polish territory. It is interesting, too, to note that 
since the Russian Revolution of 1905, there was 
a distinct movement in Poland to get rid of the 
monopoly exercised by the Jews in all commercial 
and financial activities in Poland by the creation of 
PoHsh Co-operative Societies. It is perfectly clear 
that a strong national Polish Government would 
further develop that policy, and might lead in 
time to measures which would by no means prove 
welcome to the enormous Jewish population con- 
centrated within its territories. 

Now, a strong Poland is also not a German 
interest, and here the Jews and the Germans work 
hand in hand. Thus, the semi-official Deutsche 
AUgemeine Zeitung of January 30, 1919, recog- 
nizes openly the solidarity of German and Jewish 
interests. It goes in for a study of the postu- 
lates, which are almost identical to those we 
have just enumerated, and draws the following 
conclusions : 

"Considering that the majority of the Jewish 
population knows the German language, and that 


German civilization is familiar to them, the Jewish 
element may be of the greatest use to Germany 
for the reopening of those international relations 
which have been interrupted by the war. Ger- 
many will not cease to interest herself in Oriental 
questions. The foimdation of a Jewish Palestine 
must be greeted with approval. This will, for 
the reasons quoted above, help Germany in 
ascertaining economic and intellectual links with 
the East. 

"The Jewish question will be of interest to Ger- 
many on account of her vicinity in the Near East 
with countries inhabited by Jewish masses. The 
autonomy of the Jews in the East is one of the 
foundation-stones of order and tranquilHty in 
these countries. 

"It may be seen (says this newspaper, in con- 
clusion) that there is no contradiction between 
the desiderata of the Jews and German interests. 
For this reason Germany will support Jewish 
demands at the Peace Conference." 

It was notorious during the proceedings of the 
Peace Conference that whenever any decision 
favourable to Poland was reached, Jewish gentry 
from London hurriedly crossed the Channel for 
the purpose of trying to revoke it. 

Thus, as we have said, Poland, as created by 


the pundits of Paris, started badly. Her subse- 
quent history has been equally unfortunate. The 
Bolsheviks were exceedingly anxious to secure 
their grip on a State which with its Christian faith 
and Western traditions barred their march towards 
the West. In the letter which Trotsky sent to 
French Socialists as long ago as October, 191 9, and 
which was given in the Morning Post, he made it 
clear in his bragging way that Poland's turn was 
to come next. That Bolshevist offensive was 
launched in March last, and failed for reasons 
which have been explained by Major-General 
Maurice, the military critic of the Daily News. 
To say, then, that Marshal Pilsudski attacked 
Russia, which all the Pacifists and Bolsheviks in 
England are trumpeting forth every day, is untrue. 
Marshal Pilsudski tried to do what the Serbians 
were prevented from doing, that is to say, to 
anticipate the enemy's offensive. From the very 
beginning of his attack, a violent anti-Polish cam- 
paign was started in England, and the English 
dockers and railwaymen were called upon to 
prevent the sending of munitions to Warsaw. 

At the present moment, Russia and Germany 
are joining hands over the threatened body of 
Poland. If Russia and Germany are able to 


overwhelm Poland, the Treaty of Versailles be- 
comes a scrap of paper, and the war has been 
fought in vain. 

Dr. Dillon, in his book on the Paris Peace Con- 
ference, says: 

"Of all the collectivities whose interests were 
furthered at the Conference, the Jews had perhaps 
the most resourceful and certainly the most in- 
fluential exponents. There were Jews from Pales- 
tine, from Poland, Russia, the Ukraine, Roumania, 
Greece, Britain, Holland, and Belgium; but the 
largest and most brilliant contingent was sent by 
the United States." 

And with reference to that great achievement 
of the Jews at Paris, the Minority Treaties, he 

"It may seem amazing to some readers, but it is 
none the less a fact that a considerable number of 
Delegates believed that the real influences behind 
the Anglo-Saxon peoples were Semitic. They con- 
fronted the President's proposal on the subject of 
religious inequality, and, in particular, the odd 
motive alleged for it, with the measures for the 
protection of minorities which he subsequently 
imposed on the lesser States, and which had for 


their keynote to satisfy the Jewish elements in 
Eastern Europe. And they concluded that the 
sequence of expedients framed and enforced in this 
direction were inspired by the Jews assembled in 
Paris for the purpose of realizing their carefully 
thought-out programme, which they succeeded in 
having substantially executed. However right or 
wrong these Delegates may have been it would be 
a dangerous mistake to ignore their views, seeing 
that they have since become one of the permanent 
elements of the situation. The formula into which 
this policy was thrown by the members of the 
Conference, whose countries it affected, and who 
regarded it as fatal to the peace of Eastern Europe, 
was this: 'Henceforth the world will be governed 
by the Anglo-Saxon peoples, who, in turn, are 
swayed by their Jewish elements.' " 

It should be remembered that the original claims 
of the Jews went much further than those which 
were eventually sanctioned by the Conference. 
"The hero of the Minority Treaties," to quote the 
phrase of the Jewish Guardian, the able and 
moderate organ of Anglo- Jewry, was Mr. Lucien 
Wolf — the same gentleman who has recently been 
attacking the protocols. As Mr. Israel Zangwill 
said, "The Minority Treaties were the touchstone 
of the League of Nations, that essentially Jewish 


aspiration, and the man behind the Minority 
Treaties was Lucien Wolf." 

Let us in conclusion briefly summarize the argu- 
ment which has been put forward above. Bolshe- 
vism and Wilsonism have much in common — 
including their insistence on international control 
and on the principle of self-determination. That 
principle tends to promote rebellion in the British 
Empire, and at the same time to lead to the crea- 
tion of artificial States unprovided by adequate 
economic and strategic safeguards. Poland is an 
instance of such a State, and Poland has had to 
face an opposition in which Jews, Bolsheviks, 
Germans, and pro-Bolsheviks in this country are 
playing a part. Poland at this moment is menaced 
with destruction, and if it succumbs the Entente 
Powers of the West have lost the war. 


Previous chapters have dealt with plots that have 
come to full accomplishment either in success or 
failure. The present is concerned with a con- 
spiracy still in the making, which bids fair to be 
more vast and fraught with more terrible conse- 
quences than any that preceded it. Moreover, it 
intimately concerns the British Empire, though it 
is not exclusively directed against it. It is only 
necessary to talk with any one who is well ac- 
quainted with the East to learn beyond all shadow 
of doubt that there exists throughout the Orient 
an organized intrigue against European and Chris- 
tian supremacy. If the person consulted has made 
a long and careful study of the tortuous politics 
and secret tendencies of Asia, the information 
given will become startling by its definite menace 
and by the proof of the existence of a revolutionary 
organization that spreads its tentacles from Europe 
and America over the whole of North Africa and 



Before discussing the danger that must be faced, 
it may be well to consider how far Great Britain, 
the Power most seriously threatened, is in a posi- 
tion at home to overcome this serious threat. 
After the Russian Revolution a section of the 
Jewish Press displayed an alarming affection for 
Bolshevist ideas, and openly encouraged Bolshe- 
vist propaganda in Great Britain. The Morning 
Post had occasion to draw attention to this danger- 
ous campaign, which was disavowed by the leading 
patriotic Jews, as is shown by the following letter 
published in its columns: 

"Sir, — We have read with the deepest concern 
and with sincere regret certain articles which have 
recently appeared in two closely associated Jewish 
newspapers in this country on the topic of Bolshe- 
vism and its 'ideals.' In our opinion, the publi- 
cation of these articles can have no other effect 
than to encourage the adoption of the theoretic 
principles of Russian Bolsheviks among foreign 
Jews who have sought and found a refuge in Eng- 
land. We welcome, accordingly, your suggestion 
that British Jews should 'dissociate themselves 
from a cause which is doing the Jewish people 
harm in all parts of the world.' This is profoundly 
true, and we, on our own behalf and on behalf of 
numbers of British Jews with whom we have con- 


f erred, desire to dissociate ourselves absolutely 
and unreservedly from the mischievous and mis- 
leading doctrine which these articles are calculated 
to disseminate. We repudiate them as dangerous 
in themselves and as false to the tenets and teach- 
ings of Judaism. 

"Partly in order to counteract the mistaken 
policy of the newspapers referred to, the League 
of British Jews was founded in November, 191 7. 
The proceedings and views of the League are pub- 
lished in a monthly bulletin, entitled Jewish Opin- 
ion, which can be obtained at the offices of the 
League, 708-709, Salisbury House, E.C.2, and 
which may eventually be merged in a larger jour- 
nal appearing at more frequent intervals. For we 
thoroughly concur with your criticism that 'the 
British Jewish community, most of whom,' as you 
rightly say, ' are by no means in sympathy with this 
(Nationalist) crusade, are being served very badly 
by their newspapers.' Meanwhile we take this 
opportunity of repudiating in public the particular 
statements in those newspapers to which you have 
felt it your duty to call attention. — Yours, etc., 

Lionel de Rothschild. Leonard L. Cohen, 

swaythling. i. gollancz. 

Philip Magnus. John Monash. 

Marcus Samuel. C. G. Montefiore. 

Harry S. Samuel. Isidore Spielmann. 
"April 22, 1919." 


Unfortunately the attitude of these patriots 
was not that of all British Jews, and they were 
violently attacked for their action. Nor can it be 
said that the political behaviour of those Jews who 
have taken a leading part in the Government of 
Great Britain has been reassuring. It can scarcely 
be said that Sir Alfred Mond's political achieve- 
ments merit his inclusion in the Ministry. The 
connection of Lord Reading, our Lord Chief Jus- 
tice, with the Marconi affair was, to say the least 
of it, by no means in accordance with the traditions 
of our pubHc life. More serious still is the appoint- 
ment of Sir Herbert Samuel as Governor of Pales- 
tine, where a Jew will be called upon to hold the 
balance between an Arab majority and a Jewish 
minority in a hot-bed of intrigues. Then Mr. 
Montagu, despite his family relationships with a 
firm which has established something resembling 
a monopoly in the silver market, is Secretary for 

As for Mr. Montagu's attitude, he disclosed it in 
a fit of irritation in his opening speech in the Dyer 
debate in the House of Commons. His speech was 
not the calm advocacy of his Government's policy 
which one has the right to expect from a Minister 
of State whose conscience is untroubled. It was an 


elaborate extenuation of Indian sedition by one 
who has confessed himself proud of the friendship 
of that leader of rebellion, Mr. Gandhi, and Mr. 
Montagu's excited denunciation of British "ter- 
rorism" in India might take its place beside the 
striking poster referred to by Mr. Rupert Gwynne: 
"Conquer the EngHsh monkeys with bravery. 
This is the command of Mahatma Gandhi. Get 
ready soon for the war, and God will grant victory 
to India." 

The idea of a world conspiracy directed against 
law and order, and indeed against Christian civili- 
zation itself, would before the war have seemed 
absurd and impossible to the average Englishman. 
The idea that there could be an intimate connec- 
tion, say, between a revolution in Portugal, a strike 
at home, and a murder in India would never have 
occinred to any ordinary man before August, 19 14. 
The war has produced a complete change of men- 
tality, because we have had concrete proof of close 
connection between rebeUion in Ireland, trouble in 
Egypt, disaffection in India, revolution in Russia, 
to mention only a few of the disorders brought 
about by Germany. 

It might have been expected that when the war 
was finished German propaganda would have 


come to an end and everything returned to its 
previous state of tranquillity. But it is becoming 
every day more evident that the conspiracy against 
civilization did not finish with the defeat of Ger- 
many. The Germans certainly used various or- 
ganizations against us, but, as it has been our 
object to show, they never really controlled or 
directed them. Behind the scenes was a "formid- 
able sect" using the Germans for their own ends 
instead of being used by them, and when Germany 
fell and German money disappeared, the conspir- 
acy still went on unimpeded. 

The Germans, when they sent Lenin to Russia, 
availed themselves of those secret forces of which 
they had already made use against Great Britain. 
The directors of the secret conspiracy were quite 
ready to use the Germans for their own ends of 
poisoning European democracy. Yet the first 
result of Lenin's journey to Russia after the col- 
lapse of Russia was, as Ludendorff admits, the 
downfall of Germany. 

Those who were with the Allied troops after the 
Armistice in the sectors of the front where the 
enemy had been demoralized by Bolshevist propa- 
ganda had clear evidence of the terrible power of 
the forces that the Lords of Germany had so 


foolishly let loose. When the French troops first 
reached the Rhine at Neu-Brisach, a number of 
motor lorries were surrendered. Each lorry was 
driven across the river by two chauffeurs, one of 
whom wore the red rosette that marked him as a 
member of the Soviet, and the trembling officers 
watched them as they sung songs of triumph, and 
did not dare to give an order. A number of officers 
had been shot down the night before. Many of the 
lorries were decorated in celebration of defeat, and 
it was only in the French lines that the officers 
could insist on these decorations being removed. 
It was no small local conspiracy that had tri- 
umphed so completely over the arrogant Imperial- 
ism and iron discipline of the German Army, and 
the French showed their realization of this fact by 
sternly upholding the German officers against any 
sign of insubordination among the troops, who 
were promptly ordered to remove the red rosette 
from their caps. 

Germany, in her lust for world rule, coquetted 
with the hidden powers that were conspiring to 
destroy not only the British Empire and the Allied 
Nations but the whole of civiHzation and Christen- 
dom. There can be no doubt that the enemy 
employed the secret organizations which are the 


cause of the world unrest, and spent money like 
water to obtain their support. The "formidable 
sect" was ready enough to take German money 
and cause trouble among the Allies, but it jealously 
guarded the control of its organizations, and when 
the time came it left Germany to its fate. 

Experts are agreed in saying that the cause of 
the existing unrest in India is mainly an organized 
form of propaganda which has been at work for 
years, disturbing, as Mr. Montagu would say, 
"the placid, pathetic contentment of the masses," 
and investigation shows that this organization, 
which is steadily gaining strength, is of amazing 
complexity. In 1 9 1 2 attention was officially drawn 
to the existence of a conspiracy, organized with 
extraordinary ingenuity in some centre which 
could not be discovered, throughout India in the 
proceedings of the Commission on the Indian Army 
of which Field-Marshal Lord Nicholson was Presi- 
dent. India is not the only country affected; on 
the contrary, the new gospel is preached in every 
country of the East, whether under European con- 
trol, semi-independent or independent, through- 
out North Africa from Morocco to Egypt, in 
Turkey, Arabia, and the whole of Asia including 
Japan. Thus it is possible to find agents preaching 


the same doctrines slightly adapted for local needs 
in a "douar" in Morocco, in Teheran, Kabul, Con- 
stantinople, or Calcutta. The whole of this vast 
area is divided up into zones, each with its con- 
trolling centre, from which direction is given, and 
which passes on the word received from other 

The character of the propaganda is even more 
surprising than the perfection of the organization. 
It is, generally speaking, neither religious nor 
national, and this very point brings it at once into 
Hne with our general inquiry. On the positive side 
it is what may be called democratic, and on the 
more definite negative side anti-European and 
anti-Christian. If the protocols are to be beUeved 
the essential part of the universal conspiracy is 
first the use of the word "Liberty, " which "brings 
society into conflict with aU the Powers, even with 
that of Nature and God," in order to set "all 
Powers one against the other by encouraging their 
liberal tendencies towards independence." Else- 
where the protocols state that "the triumph of our 
theory is its adaptability to the temperament of 
the nations with which we come in contact." In 
the East, Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, the 
watchwords of the French Revolution, have been 


replaced by American Republicanism. Republi- 
canism is particularly suited for the East, since 
"Republican rights are an irony for the pauper." 
On the other hand, the fundamental notion of the 
"formidable sect" is the destruction of Christian- 
ity and all reUgion except the Jewish. 

There is certainly a great similarity between 
the propaganda now being carried on in Asia and 
"the programme of violence and hypocrisy" ad- 
vocated by the protocols. Religion is regarded 
by the Asiatic intriguers as a useful weapon, but 
they do not insist upon it except when a religious 
question gives them a chance of causing sedition 
and furthering their ends. They are aiming defi- 
nitely at setting the Eastern world against the 
Western, and therefore it is their intention to unite 
the East and bridge over all religious and national 
differences. The gospel they are secretly preaching 
is Pan-Oriental, and their desire is to shake au- 
thority in the States under Christian tutelage and 
to arouse anti-Christian sentiment in independent 
Eastern States. Asia against Europe is the object 
at which they are aiming, and no doubt the plotters 
hope to gain their ends in the world-wide confusion 
that would accompany a war between West and 


One of the objects of the secret conspiracy is 
"with the aid of Europe to promote on other con- 
tinents sedition, dissension, and mutual hostility." 
With this object in view the promoters of disorder, 
who have one of their most important headquar- 
ters in Switzerland, have portioned out the areas 
on which they are to work. Seditious literature 
and agents pass from Europe to Turkey, and their 
influence spreads by definite routes over Asia 
Minor to Persia and Afghanistan. From there 
they pass to the tribes of the North-west Frontier, 
and the zones of influence radiate out so that not a 
village is missed. 

Books that secretly hint at rebellion, speeches 
made in Europe, and cunningly distorted articles 
from European papers are distributed among those 
who can read. The agent emphasizes every local 
grievance and turns a molehill into a mountain, 
always inculcating the doctrine of hatred of the 
Christian. Above all, he uses everywhere he goes 
his personal influence to persuade those he meets 
that they are hardly treated, condoling with one 
man on his undeserved poverty, flattering another 
with tales of the great power that his abilities 

There is no scarcity of such agents. They are 


produced in thousands, these missionaries of dis- 
content, and their education is not the least of 
the cares of the secret conspiracy. There are men 
trained in India, Europe, and America who have 
drunk in with their study of European knowledge 
and culture a hatred of Europe. The teachers of 
Eastern religions and their priests afford a use- 
ful recruiting ground for such agents. Naturally 
they are opposed to Christianity, and are ready to 
pass on to their pupils the poison of hatred which 
is all the more formidable that it is secretly or- 
ganized. There are many European agents, some 
of them mere faddists, who pass on the dangerous 
doctrines unconsciously, while others deliberately 
betray their own blood. From this point of view. 
Eastern Freemasonry was extremely dangerous 
when the Eastern lodges sought to emulate the 
secret societies of the French Revolution, but the 
vigorous action taken by our authorities during 
the war, especially in Egypt, has considerably re- 
stricted its activity. The ' ' Invisible Force ' ' which 
is arraying its might against Christendom has 
never doubted the importance of education. It is 
laying its hand in the East on the coming genera- 
tion, for wherever there is a native school within 
the limits of its propaganda, its gospel is being 


preached, and the most certain proof that the 
whole movement is being directed by a single 
secret agency is that this teaching is identical from 
Morocco to the heart of Asia. 

Among the agents employed in the East there 
are few Jews. It must be remembered that the 
people of the East have an insuperable if tolerant 
contempt for the Jew. This attitude is not the 
least of the reasons why it appears supremely im- 
politic to have Mr. Montagu Secretary for India 
and Sir Herbert Samuel Governor of Palestine. 
If the great conspiracy is to be overcome there 
must be the strictest impartiality on the part of 
rulers and governors. If revolution has not al- 
ready broken out it is that there is still a mass of 
moderate and indifferent opinion which is refrac- 
tory to this propaganda. 

Whether this gigantic plot of throwing East 
against West is to be attributed to the "formidable 
sect" is a question that must be left to the individ- 
ual judgment. All that can be said is that the 
purpose pursued and the methods employed are 
practically identical with those which have been 
considered in these papers. A concrete instance 
of the working of this conspiracy and a considera- 
tion of certain disquieting circumstances that 


accompanied it may throw some light on the 

It may be remembered that on July i, 1909, 
Colonel Sir W. Curzon Wyllie, an Indian official 
respected and admired by both natives and Euro- 
peans, was murdered at the Imperial Institute by 
a native named Dhingra, who paid for the crime 
with his life. There were certain facts connected 
with this murder which were never made public. 
There is reason to believe that shortly before the 
crime, Dhingra had been in Paris, and it was said 
that a Nationalist manifesto dated from Paris was 
found among his papers. It is certain that a week 
before, the Anarchist section of the Paris pohce 
was informed that a group of Indian conspirators 
in Paris were displaying great activity, and that 
they were preparing to bring off a coup either in 
France or England, probably the latter. Unfor- 
tunately this information was not passed on to the 
English poHce, as possibly further investigation 
might have prevented this dastardly murder. 

This Paris group had been working against the 
Empire for a considerable period, and its existence 
was well known to the French police, who took all 
necessary precautions that no outrage should be 
committed in the territory for which they were 


responsible. Many meetings were held in a house 
in the Rue Laffitte and elsewhere, and a vigorous 
propaganda carried on. There were some genuine 
native fanatics among the conspirators, and 
several members of the Indian colony were terror- 
ized into supporting them with fimds and declaring 
a reluctant sympathy with a movement that filled 
them with alarm and repulsion. In particular, 
the plotters sought adherents among the yoimg 
natives who came to the Paris University to study, 
and their threats and bloodthirsty language scared 
some of these students, who were anything but 
warlike by nature, almost out of their wits. 

An important member of the group was a woman 
of German extraction, who appeared to be the 
chief controller of its action. There was, however, 
another woman, a Jewess, who was in friendly 
relations with the conspirators, though there is no 
proof that she took any part in their plots. This 
Jewess was a very remarkable person. Good- 
looking and ambitious, she flaunted as the con- 
fidante of a dignitary of the Third Republic, and 
it was public report that, with the aid of her own 
people and the invaluable support of the Grand 
Orient, she exercised behind the scenes a power 
equal to that of many a Minister. 


In those days French Freemasonry was still a 
great political power. It was no longer practically 
supreme in politics, since its position had been 
badly shaken by the discovery of the part that 
it had been playing in the Army. The scandal 
that led to the resignation of General Andre, the 
Minister of War, showed that secret reports drawn 
from Masonic sources were being officially used to 
the prejudice of officers who were opposed to the 
form of Freemasonry existing in France. Attend- 
ance at church was reported to the authorities and 
actually served as a bar to promotion. The popu- 
lar outcry that resulted from these disclosures 
seriously weakened the political power of the 
Grand Orient, though in secret, thanks to its or- 
ganization and hold on the Radical Deputies and 
Senators, it still possessed immense influence. 

It must be remembered that in France the 
Masonic movement was permeated with Jews. 
The Hebraic element was strongly represented in 
the Gentile lodges, and there existed Jewish 
lodges to which no Gentile members were ad- 
mitted and in which no language other than Yid- 
dish or German was spoken. 

The "formidable sect" has never hesitated in its 
recognition of the importance of "encouraging the 


ideas of others and using them for its own pur- 
pose." Further, the protocols admit that their 
poHcy includes "a number of private assassina- 
tions accomplished by our agents, the blind sheep 
of our flock, who can easily be induced to commit 
a crime, so long as such a crime is of a political 
character." The stupid murder of Sir Curzon 
WylHe was, according to the murderer, a political 


Having already given an outline of the vast 
Asiatic plot which is aimed directly at the whole 
of Europe as well as the British Empire, we will 
now draw attention to the conspiracy which, each 
day growing in violence, is directed at "the 
Achilles's heel of England," Ireland. The imme- 
diate purposes of these intrigues are clear enough, 
and it is evident that they would fit perfectly into 
"the programme of violence and hypocrisy " which 
has been put forward in this book as the secret 
cause of world unrest. 

The crimes which are Ireland's daily history 
cannot plead the excuse of hot-headed impulse or 
blind revenge. They are carried out in a spirit of 
cold, calculating brutaHty, and as a Roman Catho- 
lic priest wrote in a letter to the Dublin Daily 
Express, they are "the diabolical work of an or- 
ganization." Throughout the world the story is 
the same — murder, outrage, and disorders con- 
trived and controlled by some invisible power of 



evil. In his Red Peril and Green, a book which is 
a mine of information on the Irish question, Mr. 
Dawson remarks that during the war "nothing was 
more astonishing or nerve-racking than the cob- 
web of intrigue, spun by a hidden hand, in which 
the nation was enmeshed, and in which it felt itself 
entangled at every crisis." Even more astonish- 
ing and nerve-racking is the survival of this cob- 
web after the defeat of Germany. During the war 
at least we knew the identity of the spider which 
spun the web, but now the cause of all the trouble 
is obscure and mysterious, and the forces of civili- 
zation seem to be fighting in the dark. 

The stability of the British Empire is the chief 
obstacle which those who aim at [^the overthrow 
of European civilization have to overcome, and 
Ireland is, according to Karl Marx and the modem 
Bolsheviks, the Empire's weakest point. Mrs. 
Webster, in her letter to the Morning Post pub- 
lished on July 18, 1920, quoted Karl Marx on 
Ireland, and his proposal to the International that 
they should, in order to prepare the way for re- 
volution in England, support the Irish demand 
for independence. 

This Marxian view is still accepted by the In- 
ternationalists, and the whole question has recently 


been discussed by Dr. Hermann Gorter, author of 
The World's Revolution, and described in the Bol- 
shevist Press as a Professor at the Moscow Uni- 
versity. He is connected with the Dutch Com- 
munists, and he writes frequently for the Bolshevist 
papers of this country. Writing in the Workers* 
Dreadnought, Miss Sylvia Pankhurst's paper, on 
"Ireland: the Achilles's Heel of England," Dr. 
Gorter states that the demand of small nations for 
independence can now be supported by Bolsheviks, 
because Imperialistic Capitalism is shaken, and 
"this independence now becomes a means to 
weaken the position of all the big capitalistic 
nations, and even to cause their downfall." 

Developing the application of this idea, which is 
one of Lenin's, the Bolshevist professor writes: 

"For no country is this more true than for 
Ireland. If Ireland should become independent, 
Great Britain would be struck to the very f otmda- 
tions. Now, therefore, it is the duty of all British 
Communists to demand the complete independence 
of Ireland, and to take all the measures required 
to bring it about, and for the entire Third Inter- 
national this is of the utmost importance. Again, 
England is the rock on which Capitalism is firmly 
rooted, the bulwark of world Capitalism, the hope 


of all counter-revolution and all reaction. But 
Ireland is the Achilles's heel of England. For the 
revolution on the European continent, therefore 
for the world revolution, it is a vital question that 
British Capital should be hit there." 

Dr. Gorter states that "the gigantic genius of 
Marx saw all this long ago," and he quotes the 
following from Marx, which supplements Mrs. 
Webster's quotations: 

"That country which makes entire nations into 
its proletarians, which encompasses the whole 
world in its gigantic arms, that once already has 
defrayed out of its own funds the cost of a Euro- 
pean restoration, in the very heart of which the 
class-antitheses have developed into the most 
pronounced and shameless extreme: that England 
seems to be the rock against which all revolu- 
tionary waves are broken, and which starves the 
new society already in the maternal womb. Eng- 
land dominates the world's market. A subversion 
of the national economic relations in any country of 
the European continent, or in the whole of the Euro- 
pean continent, would he without England no more 
than a storm in a glass of water. The relations of 
industry and commerce within every nation are 
dominated by their intercourse with other nations, 
and depend on their relation to the world market. 


England, however, dominates the world market, 
and the bourgeoisie dominates England." 

Dr. Gorter points out that the above "applies in 
almost a magic way to our own times." England's 
"gigantic transport fleet" is a menace to the 
Socialist order, and now that Germany is defeated, 
England practically dominates the markets of the 
world. "Now also Great Britain is the rock of 
Capitalism in Europe." He then quotes Marx on 
Ireland. Marx wrote : 

"Ireland is the stronghold of English landed 
aristocracy. The exploitation of this country is 
not only the main source of the national wealth, 
it forms likewise England's greatest mora] strength. 
It represents, in fact, the domination ot England 
over Ireland. Ireland, therefore, is the great 
expedient, by means of which the English aris- 
tocracy maintains its domination in England itself. 
On the other hand, withdraw the English Army 
and police from Ireland tomorrow and you will 
straightway have an agrarian revolution in Ireland. 
The fall of the English aristocracy in Ireland, 
however, needs must imply and inevitably leads 
to their overthrow in England. Through this the 
primal condition for the proletarian revolution in 
England would be fulfilled." 


The remainder of the quotation given by Her- 
mann Gorter from Marx is the one given by Mrs. 
Webster. Commenting on these statements of 
Marx, Gorter says that while the conditions in 
Ireland today have changed since Marx wrote, 
what he said to the First International "applies 
still, and a hundred times more, to the Third. 
The Third International must strive by every 
possible means to promote the independence of 

"But in the hands of the British workers lies 
the fate of Ireland (concludes Dr. Gorter). They 
must follow the example given by Lenin and the 
Russian Bolsheviks, who, in order to make 
the revolution in the whole of Russia, demanded 
the independences of Finland and Poland and the 
Baltic States. The attitude of the British workers 
with regard to Ireland is the barometer for the 
British revolution." (From the Workers' Dread- 
nought, May 8, 1920.) 

Since Trotsky, Lenin, and Hermann Gorter have 
paid so much attention to the need for breaking 
up the British Empire, the organs of Bolshevism 
and Revolution have followed this lead. The 
Socialist (Glasgow), the organ of the SociaHst 
Labour Party, in its leading article on June 17, 
1920, discussing the trouble in Ireland, remarks: 



"U affaire Irlandaise will yet prove the rock on 
which the British Empire, the greatest partner- 
ship of world-robbery and slaughter in history, 
will perish. The dissolution of the British Empire, 
the centre and stronghold of world-capitalism, is 
the necessary prelude to the success of the world 
revolution of the working class. We of the Social- 
ist Labour Party of Great Britain are everywhere 
attempting to the best of our ability and resources 
to awaken British Labour to action in recognition 
of its duties and responsibilities to Ireland. . . . 
The success of the Irish working class is our 

During the last decade a great and striking 
change has come over Irish aims and methods. 
The struggle against the British Empire is being 
controlled by far more dangerous and subtle brains, 
and one is forced to the conclusion that the real 
directing force regards Irish independence not as 
an end in itself, but as a means towards the accom- 
plishment of world-wide anarchy. In the past 
Ireland complained of English misgovemment, 
and at least admitted a solution of the problem 
which would have left it within the Empire. To- 
day Ireland will have no part or parcel in the 
British Empire, and seeks in the pursuit of its 
independence the destruction of the social order. 


The time of sporadic rebellion has passed with 
the period of Parliamentary agitation. Sinn Fein, 
once an intellectual movement, has been swept 
away and finds itself united with organized Irish 
Labour and the Social Revolutionaries pledged to 
the cause of Bolshevism and Anarchy throughout 
the worid. 

It is a suggestive study to trace the means by 
which this vital change was brought about. The 
principal agent was James Connolly, who intro- 
duced into the politics of Irish disaffection the 
philosophy of Social Revolution. From 1903 to 
191 1, Connolly was in America, and there, as Mr. 
Dawson points out in the book quoted above, he 
came under the influence of L^on, who cotmted 
Lenin among his disciples. It was Connolly's 
work that enabled Mr. de Blacam to make the 
proud boast that Bolshevism was bom in Ireland, 
and Lenin himself admitted that he owed much to 
the Irish rebel who was executed after the rebellion 
of 1916. Here we have incontrovertible proof of 
the unity of control and direction that underlies 
disorders in every part of the world. Long before 
Germany had fallen and could no longer provide 
Ireland with the sinews of war, the Irish movement 
had come into contact with the High Priest of 


Bolshevism and was ready to play its part in the 
world conspiracy. Connolly was one of the or- 
ganizers of the Industrial Workers of the World in 
America, and as such had every reason to become 
acquainted with many of those who brought about 
the Russian Revolution. There he must have 
learnt the doctrines that the "formidable sect" 
was spreading through the world for its own 

A direct link between the great Asiatic con- 
spiracy and the Irish plot is apparently to be 
found in the person of Liam Mellowes, who played 
a leading part in America in bringing about the 
open aUiance between the Sinn Fein organization 
and Russian Bolshevism. In the rebellion of 191 6, 
this Mellowes commanded a rebel force in County 
Galway, and after its collapse he escaped from 
Ireland, probably to Germany. Later, he is to be 
foimd in New York working with a German agent. 
His main object on this occasion was to organize 
another revolution in Ireland in the spring of 191 8, 
an attempt that failed but another of his enter- 
prises was from our point of view very significant, 
since it consisted in forwarding money to the 
Turks and establishing a mysterious Turkish or- 
ganization in America. It wotdd be interesting 


to know whether this organization which thus 
came into existence after the United States had 
entered the war has disappeared, or whether it 
maybe anyway responsible for the perpetual flow 
of subversive propaganda that finds its way into 
Asia from America. 

Of the part played by Sinn Fein during the war 
there is no need to speak at length. It is a mat- 
ter of public knowledge that German money was 
poured into Ireland to encourage rebellion, and the 
sinister figure of Casement serves as a perpetual 
reminder of the treachery that was at work. So 
far as the world conspiracy was concerned, Ireland 
had long ago shown that it possessed good material 
on which the promoters of disorder could reckon. 
What better ally could the "formidable sect" 
desire than the Ribbonmen of 1850, who wore a 
ribbon on their sleeves and in their hearts carried 
the words of the Ribbon Oath : 

"In the presence of Almighty God, and this my 
brother, I do swear that I will suffer my right hand 
to be cut from my body and laid at the gaol door 
before I will waylay or betray a brother, and I will 
persevere and not spare from the cradle to the 
crutch and the crutch to the cradle; that I will not 
hear the moans or groans of infancy or old age, 


but that I will wade knee-deep in Orangeman's 
blood and do as King James did. 

Such an oath might well find its place in the 
Protocols of the "Elders of Zion, " and Mr. Daw- 
son, when he describes the Ribbon Society as 
"unrivalled for the purpose of social revolution, 
unscrupulous, mysterious, pitiless, 'deaf to the 
moans of infancy or age,'" wrote a phrase that 
could equally well be applied to the world-wide 
secret societies with which we have been dealing. 

When Germany fell and rebeUious Ireland could 
hope for no more aid from that quarter, it was 
natural that Sinn Fein should seek alliance with 
Bolshevist Russia. The negotiations were carried 
on in America by Mellowes, of whose activities 
we have already spoken, and Dr. McCartan, Sinn 
Fein "ambassador" to the United States. The 
Bolsheviks sent over a Mr. Martens, and an offen- 
sive alliance was concluded. Dr. McCartan pro- 
claimed to the world : 

"The four million people of the Republic of 
Ireland, in their struggle to free themselves from 
military subjugation, want and welcome the aid 
of the free men of the Russian Socialist Federated 
Soviet Republic. Between the Russians and the 


Irish, isolated in their struggle against British 
armies of occupation to found securely the Re- 
public of Ireland, there can exist only the sense 
of brotherhood which a common experience, en- 
dured for a common purpose, alone can induce." 

That the programme of Sinn Fein as at present 
constituted is practically identical with that of 
the Moscow International, founded to enforce the 
dictatorship of the proletariat, the abolition of all 
existing forms of government, and the expropria- 
tion of all property, is shown by the following 
parallel passages quoted by the Duke of North- 
umberland in a speech made at a meeting of 
members of the Houses of Lords and Commons 
on July 7, 1920. 

The Third International. Sinn Fein, 1918 and 1919.' 

Immediate universal die- The em-olment of all workers 

tatorship of the proletariat, in the Union, the Transport 

involving the seizure of gov- Union forming an organized 

emmental power to replace it proletariat. The establishment 

by the apparatus of proletarian of Dail Eircann, a council of 

power. This implies the set- duly elected representatives of 

ting up of working-class institu- the Irish people to constitute 

tions as ruling power, and the de facto as well as de jure a 

principleof all rights to workers National Government. The 

and no rights to any but establishment of Republican 

workers, and is to be effected Courts and the compulsory 

> From the Reports and Memoranda presented to the Inter- 
national Labour and Socialist Conference at Berne, February, 


by the displacement of all bour- 
geois judges and establishment 
of all proletarian courts, the 
elimination of control by Gov- 
ernment officials, and substitu- 
tion of new organs of 
management of proletariat. 

The disarming of the bour- 
geoisie and the general arming 
of the proletariat in order to 
make revolution secure. 

The dictatorship of the pro- 
letariat should be the lever of 
the immediate expropriation 
of capital and the suppression 
of the right of private property 
in the means of production 
which should be transformed 
into the property of the whole 

The fundamental principle 
is to subordinate the interest of 
the movement in each country 
to the general interests of the 
international revolution as a 

withdrawal of litigants from 
British Courts, The formation 
(promised but not yet accom- 
pHshed) of a board responsible 
for local government to take 
the place of the Local Govern- 
ment Board. 

With the Irish Volunteers 
and formation of the Irish 
Republican Army the latter 
part of this ordinance may be 
said to have been carried out in 

To recover for the Nation 
complete possession of all the 
natural physical sources of 
wealth of the country. To 
win for workers of Ireland the 
ownership and control of the 
whole produce of their labour. 
To abolish all powers and 
privileges, social and political, 
based on property not granted 
or confirmed by the freely ex- 
pressed will of the Irish people. 

To assist in the efforts of the 
working class of all Nations in 
their struggle for emancipation. 

This adoption of the Bolshevist programme has 
meant wealth for Sinn Fein. Seven years ago it 
was almost bankrupt; today it runs newspapers, 
keeps up an army, and even equips its assassins 
with motor-cars. A Helsingfors despatch of April, 
191 9, gives the key to this sudden accession of 
riches. "The Council of People's Commissaries 


. . . have voted the sum of 500,000,000 roubles 
monthly for the bureau of foreign propaganda. 
The first pa5rment of 500,000,000 roubles for the 
month of February was sent to the Sinn Feiners in 

Naturally enough, the Bolsheviks in England 
stretched out a helping hand across the Irish 
Channel to aid a movement that is admirably 
organized, well furnished with the sinews of war, 
and in all respects congenial to them. Mr. Smillie, 
who was so honourably mentioned in Lenin's 
despatches, sought to tempt Sinn Fein to the 
"accursed reactionary chamber" by the bright 
prospect of finding there an array of Labour mem- 
bers pledged, like them, to the world conspiracy, 
and suggested : "Your fight is our fight ; come over 
and help us." The cry was promptly taken up by 
the Bolshevist Press in this country, and the follow- 
ing quotations show how close is the alliance sworn 
between British Bolsheviks and Irish Sinn Feiners: 

"In the fight of the world proletariat for the 
overthrow of Capitalism, every conscious section 
realizes that the British Government typifies 
reaction in its worst form. It is Britain which 
fights the war against Russia, Britain is behind 
Horthy in Hungary, Britain is behind the German 


Junkers. Generally speaking, the overthrowing of 
the British Government will be a tremendous 
impetus to world revolt, and any people or class 
which is helping to fight British reaction is de- 
serving of support. Ireland, the nearest country to 
Britain, is in revolt, and in spite of every cruelty 
and repression, is more than holding her own." 
(The Socialist, organ of the Socialist Labour Party, 
and affiliated to the Moscow International, July 
8, 1920.) 

The British Socialist Party (London) published 
in the Call of April 22,1 920, the following manifesto : 

' * You wish to set up an Irish Republic. So be it. 
The workers of Britain have no real quarrel with 
your demand. Only the British ruling caste, drunk 
with imperialism, and sodden with prosperity, 
denies your claim — as it denies the similar claims of 
the peoples of Egypt and India. The B.S.P. con- 
demns the brutal methods employed by the 
British Government in Ireland . . . and pledges 
the B.S.P. to assist by all means in its power the 
endeavours of the Irish people to national self- 
determination . ' ' 

The Worker, the organ of the Scottish Workers' 
Committees, also affiliated to the Moscow Inter- 
national, printed on July 17, 1920, an appeal from 
a Sinn Feiner to Irish people in Britain : 


"In the future you must view the industrial 
centres in Britain as it were from a military point 
of view and the outposts of our fighting front. 
Realize the importance of your position and your 
power to its full significance as a cog in the ma- 
chinery that produces and distributes the means of 
existence for Britain. You can help in changing 
the control of the machinery, or if needs be, destroy 
it — Thiggin Thu. Therefore, your place is in the 
Workers' Committees." 

The Call, June 10, 1920, in a leading article on 
Mr. J. H. Thomas and the Irish railwaymen, says: 

"Consider the Irish situation! The vilest and 
most despicable tyranny of modem times has 
driven the Irish people into open rebeUion. They 
hold Ireland against their English masters. They 
are desperately reckless, unscrupulous, if you wiU, 
in their fight for the independence which has been 
their dream for centuries. But they are right. . . . 
All that Austria, Russia, Spain, the tyrannies of 
the past stood for, England stands for now. By 
the sword, and by the sword alone, she holds 
Ireland. The Irish railwaymen are bound to refuse 
to carry troops, etc. They wotdd be craven curs if 
they did less, and it is the duty of every decent 
Englishman to support them to the utmost limit 
of his power." 


Equally explicit is a leading article in the 
Worker of April 24, 1920: 

"Come, fellow workers, stir yourselves. We 
have to go through it yet, for until we do Ireland 
cannot be free, nor can we ourselves be free. Not 
until we have attempted to cleanse the earth of 
this foul garbage of Capitalist Militarism can we be 
called men. So long as we make no move to pre- 
vent these atrocities, we ourselves are participants 
in them. Down tools and let Britain rot until 
Ireland's wrongs are removed." 

Tom Quelch, of the B.S.P. Executive, in an open 
letter to a yoimg comrade printed in the Call of 
April 29, 1920, bids him: 

"Think of the men of '48; think of the Com- 
mimards, think of the Chicago martyrs, think of 
Marx, of Bebel, of Jaurds, of WilHam Liebknecht, 
of William Morris, of Jim Connolly, of Debs, of 
Lenin, of Karl Liebknecht, of Rosa Luxembourg, 
of Bela Kun — think of all who have given so much 
for the solidarity and happiness of the human 
race — and work, and strive, and, if needs be, fight 
in the service of the World SociaHst RepubUc." 

Space will not permit more than a brief outline 
of the activities of the Bolshevist conspirators in 


South Africa, Australia, and Canada. In Johan- 
nesburg and Capetown, two Russians preached the 
world revolution, and as they spoke in Russian to 
their own compatriots the meaning of their propa- 
ganda was not as first realized by the authorities. 
The result of their efforts was displayed in a strike 
at Johannesburg, which the leaders proclaimed as 
the herald of general revolution. M. Miliukov, 
in his Bolshevism, An International Danger, tells 
how when they were sailing from Mozambique at 
the request of the authorities, who had discovered 
their mission, one of them, named Lapinsky, told 
the revolutionaries who had come to see them off 
that the Russian Bolsheviks were the advance 
guard of the world revolution, and that some day 
he would return in triumph. 

Very characteristic of the world conspiracy were 
the means used for spreading revolutionary ideas 
in Australia. A secret society organized in small 
groups was at work preaching the Bolshevist 
doctrine. It will have been noted that there is 
an invariable tendency in this conspiracy in every 
part of the world to use pseudonyms, partly no 
doubt for security's sake, but also to enhance the 
mystery that is not without its effect on the im- 
agination of the public and to conceal too obvious 


traces of racial origin. Thus, as we have shown, 
many of the secret leaders of the French Revolu- 
tion chose their own names, and it is the exception 
to find a Russian Bolshevik who is not known by a 
name that is intended not to define, but to hide his 
family and race. In Australia we find the same 
system. The members of the secret society con- 
cealed their identities under false names, and car- 
ried on their propaganda by unsigned typewritten 
pamphlets. Their activities resulted in a violent 
demonstration at Brisbane, which eventually 
ended in the discomfiture of the Bolsheviks at the 
hands of returned soldiers, and it is reasonable to 
see their hand in the industrial imrest that followed 
this affair. 

Better known to the public are the results of 
"the programme of violence and hypocrisy" in 
Canada, where the movement is very closely con- 
nected with the powerful revolutionary organiza- 
tions of the United States. Toronto could boast 
three Bolshevist societies, of which the members 
were ninety per cent, foreign and seventy-five per 
cent. Russian. The riots at Winnipeg, which were 
ended by the vigorous action of the North-west 
Moimted Police, a force that knows how to use 
force when force is necessary, and by the arming 


of loyal citizens, proved that Bolshevist propa- 
ganda had made its impression in the West, though 
the revolutionaries would never have attained 
the temporary success they enjoyed had it not 
been that the war veterans were carrying on a 
demonstration of their own for an entirely different 
purpose. Among the Canadian Bolshevist leaders 
there are many Russian and Jewish names, and 
the gospel preached is the now familiar demand for 
the overthrow of the ' ' damnable trinity of Religion, 
Government, and Capitalism." It would be 
difficult to find a better summary of the doctrines 
set out in the protocols to be preached to all 
peoples in order that the "formidable sect" may, 
when the moment comes, grasp from the midst 
of world anarchy universal dominion. 


The manifestations of the world conspiracy have 
not affected really closely the daily life of the 
average British reader. Revolutions in Russia or 
Turkey, the failure of the Peace Conference, or 
even disorder and bloodshed in Ireland, have less 
immediate result on every day existence than the 
menace of a German air raid. The subject now to 
be discussed is of intimate concern to the pocket 
and ambition of every citizen of the British Isles. 
Since the Armistice, the clash between Capital and 
Labour, the increasing demands for more money 
and less work on the part of the labouring classes, 
have had a definite and concrete effect on every 
Englishman's pleasure and business. The main 
pillar of British supremacy has been our indus- 
trial predominance, and it is the object of this 
chapter to ascertain how far the attacks now being 
directed against that predominance are due to 
external influence and to "the programme of 
violence and hypocrisy" preached tmder the con- 
trol of the "formidable sect." 



The British working man is naturally "insular" 
in his outlook, and it is only through foreign in- 
fluence that the "formidable sect" could bring 
him into line with the revolutionaries of the Conti- 
nent. Such influence is mainly concealed, though 
sometimes the alliance between British Labour 
leaders and Russian Bolsheviks is flaunted before 
the world. No more comical example of this 
alliance could be discovered than the presentation 
of the Soviet Military Medal to Mr. Robert Wil- 
liams, Secretary of the Transport Workers' Federa- 
tion. It was to be expected that the Moscow 
authorities would be anxious to confer the same 
medal on Mr. Smillie, who has fought so nobly in 
the cause of Bolshevism. 

Throughout Great Britain, an attempt is being 
made to create what Lenin would describe as "a 
revolutionary situation." It has been shown how 
continuous beneath the surface are the secret 
influences that control all revolutions. This fact is 
often ignored by the general public. It regards 
each outbreak of revolution as a peculiar phenom- 
enon due to conditions of contemporary society, 
and quite unconnected with similar outbreaks in 
the past. The demands and methods of our 
present-day revolutionaries are regarded as quite 


modem, and as an evidence of advanced thought, 
if not exactly an indication of moral and social 
progress. The Bolsheviks in Russia and the Left 
Wing of the British Labour movement are not the 
advocates of new and up-to-date doctrines, the 
result of the better education, and, in the words 
of Mr. Frank Hodges, "the awakened conscious- 
ness" of the workers, but they are putting before 
the proletariat a rehash of shibboleths that have 
been the stock-in-trade of the Internationalists 
and world-revolutionaries for well over a century. 
To understand the revolutionary movement in 
Great Britain, it is first necessary to explain that 
the Socialist societies in this country are, with one 
or two exceptions. International organizations; 
and that their aims and methods and phraseology 
are derived from foreign sources — mainly from 
the Jews of Central and Eastern Europe. We shall 
never really understand so-called British Socialism 
if we fail to grasp this important fact. It is the 
key to much that is otherwise inexplicable. It is, 
of course, exceedingly difficult for those who are 
not familiar with the ramifications of International 
Socialism to perceive this alien influence in move- 
ments that are apparently of British origin. This 
difficulty is increased by the fact that in this 


country the known leaders of revolutionary or- 
ganizations are generally of British birth. The 
International Jew does not usually appear as the 
leader, as he so frequently does on the Continent 
and even in the Labour movement of America. 
The British workman will not, as a rule, knowingly 
be led by men of an alien race. There are, of course, 
exceptions, as in the case of the Clyde strike in 
January, 1919, when the chairman of the Strike 
Committee was a Polish Jew tailor, and close 
study shows that the Left Wing of the British 
Labour and Socialist movement is completely 
dominated by anti-British sentiments; and the 
origin of these sentiments is to be found in the 
foreign influences operating on the Continent and 
in America. 

An essential point in the study of the plans for 
a revolution in Great Britain and in other parts of 
the Empire is the connection between the theories 
and doctrines of the German Jew, Karl Marx, and 
the methods of our revolutionary Socialists and 
Syndicalists. The British leaders of Socialism in 
the latter part of the nineteenth and the beginning 
of the present century were influenced very little 
indeed by the writings of Marx. Mr. Robert 
Blatchford, for instance, has often admitted that 


he has never even read Marx's Capital. Mr. 
H. M. Hyndman was the best exponent of Marx- 
ism, but he is generally regarded by the modem 
Marxians as "unsound," because he is a "Social 
patriot." Until recently, then, Socialism in Eng- 
land was more English in its aims and methods 
than International or Marxian Socialism. But 
just before the outbreak of war there was a 
noticeable drift of the yoimg men in the Labour 
movement towards Marxian Socialism, with the 
consequent tendency towards Internationalism and 
revolution. Since the Armistice this Left Wing 
movement has grown considerably, and Marxian 
economic classes have been constantly increasing 
in numbers. Himdreds of workers now attend 
these classes, where they are taught the ethics of 
the "class war" and the need for revolution. 

It was the demand of the Marxists for this type 
of "education" for the wage-earners that caused 
the split in Ruskin College and led to the forma- 
tion of the Labour College, now financed by the 
National Union of Railwaymen and South Wales 
Miners' Federation, and by the recently formed 
Postal Workers' Union. This so-called educa- 
tional movement is one of the most active Bolshe- 
vist organizations in this country. The staffs of 


the colleges, especially in the North, are almost 
entirely composed of avowed Bolsheviks and offi- 
cial members of societies affiliated to the Third 
International at Moscow. 

The Labour Colleges and the local economic 
classes nm in connection with these Colleges are 
mainly concerned with the promulgation of Marx- 
ism and the peculiar Internationalism, or anti- 
patriotism, that is the foundation of the revolu- 
tionary movement in Great Britain. Just prior 
to the outbreak of war negotiations were taking 
place for the establishment of an "International 
of Young Proletarian Students . ' ' The people most 
interested in the formation of this International 
organization were the Germans. The German 
Social Democrats were to be mainly responsible 
for the financing of the whole scheme. Here in 
England, the persons chiefly concerned with the 
plan were the Marxists, including German and 
Russian Jews. The scheme should have been 
launched at the International Congress which was 
fixed for August, 1914. The war prevented the 
Congress being held. It is not without significance 
that the persons in this country who were conduct- 
ing the negotiations with the Germans became, 
on the outbreak of war, actively associated with 


various pro-German and Defeatist societies, and 
some of them got into trouble with the authorities 
in consequence. 

This German-inspired scheme for the Inter- 
national education of the proletariat of every 
country contained the following proposals: 

"(i) An International Federation of such So- 
cialist and Labour Colleges as are provided and 
controlled by working-class organizations inde- 
pendently and not in co-partnership with those 
bulwarks of Capitalism — the Chtuch and the 

"(2) An International Working-class Students* 
Union, in order to secure the rank and file character 
of this union, the unit to be not the Labour ' Leader" 
or the Great Committee of such * Leaders ' but the 
class (controlled by the workers) for the study of 
the principles of International Socialism. 

"(3) A system of International Travelling 
Scholarships to facilitate an interchange between 
various countries of lectures on International 
Socialism, and also to make it possible for working- 
class students (men and women) to visit and study 
the conditions in other countries than their own, 
and to report to their organizations. 

"(4) An International Socialist Library, in 
order to bring within the reach of working-class 
students translations of the best works on Inter- 


national Socialism published in various countries, 
and in connection with this library an Inter- 
national Journal of Education showing the de- 
velopments in education in different countries." 

The war prevented the realization of this plan, 
and now that Germany is scarcely in a position to 
finance the scheme, efforts are being made to link 
it with the Third International and to make the 
Soviet Government responsible for its direction and 
control. The Labour delegates to Russia brought 
back a letter from Tchicherin on this matter in 
which he promises to consider how this scheme 
can be put into operation. The recipient of this 
letter, Mrs. Bridges Adams, writing to a Bolshevist 
paper, the Socialist, official organ of the Socialist 
Labour Party, states that some months ago, if 
peace had been made with Russia, it was proposed 
to send from Britain this summer a party of 
students of the many classes now being held for 
the study of Marxian economics and industrial 
history — about two hundred, including a con- 
tingent from the James Connolly Labour College 
in Dublin, to Russia, the others to Italy, Germany, 
and Switzerland. 

Mrs. Adams adds that at the present time, in 
order to meet the cost of this Mission, Mrs. Ethel 


Camie Holdsworth, the ex-mill-girl authoress, is 
appealing for £2000. 

"However, if the money is not forthcoming in 
Britain, an international appeal will be issued. 
From Russia, when once the difficulties of which 
Tchicherin has written me are removed, the re- 
sponse will be generous, even to the extent, if 
necessary, of sending a ship for the students and 
defraying the cost of the Mission. Comrades will 
see the great possibilities of this movement." 

Mrs. Adams expresses the hope that this Inter- 
national of Young Proletarian Students will work 
"within and as an integral part of the Moscow or 
Third International." She desires support for 
Tchicherin's policy "to bring together our Socialist 
Labour students and Russian students; to support 
him by an earnest propaganda on the movement 
here outlined in the factories and in the mines, and 
in the branches of working-class organizations. 
No mission from Britain would be more welcome 
in Russia than a proletarian students' mission. 
The Russian Socialists understand the meaning of 
International Labour solidarity, and will not visit 
upon yotmg British workers the heUish crimes of 
British Imperialism against Soviet Russia. . . . 
Long live the youth of the Red International." 


From the above statement it seems that the 
Soviet Government, with its overwhelming Jewish 
influence, is now likely to take the place originally 
assigned to the German Social Democrats for the 
control and direction of the "education" of the 
Labour movement in Great Britain and other 
countries. In either case, however, the Inter- 
national Jews would be the controlling power, and 
we know that the instruction provided for the 
wage-earners at the economic classes and at the 
Labour Colleges is based on the writings and 
theories of Jewish authorities in the world of In- 
ternational Socialism. 

The "Young Socialists' International" is a 
movement to capture for Bolshevism the boys and 
girls of the working class. At an international 
Conference held at Berlin last December, it was 
decided to call it the "Young Communist Inter- 
national," and to affiliate to the Moscow Inter- 
national. The British Section is the "Young 
Socialist League, " and its official organ, first issued 
in May last, is the Red Flag. The editor is Nathan 
B. Whycer. The leaders in London are persons 
with such British names as Saphire, Zeital, and 
Troubman. In the first issue of the Red Flag 
there is an article on the Berlin Conference of 


young Socialists, written by A. Fineberg. This 
article is followed by a letter from the "Executive 
Committee of the Young Communist Inter- 
national, " dated Berlin, February, 1920. The 
letter concludes with the following statement : 

"Just as the Russian youth in Russia are de- 
fending the Socialist Republic in the front rank 
of the Red army, just as in Germany the Socialist 
youth are the standard bearers of revolutionary 
Socialism, so the proletarian youth in the countries 
of the Entente will enter the struggle for the over- 
throw of the bourgeois Governments and the de- 
struction of the Capitalist States, and for the 
victory of communism through the dictatorship 
of the proletariat." 

Before a revolution can take place in any coun- 
try, much preparatory work must be done. A 
revolutionary situation must first be created, and 
if the natural conditions of society do not tend in 
this direction, efforts must be made to force them 
into the right channel for revolution. This is the 
purpose of the revolutionary Socialists and Syn- 
dicalists in this country. Our revolutionaries, 
working in conjunction with foreign revolution- 
aries, who are mainly International Jews, have to 
find ways and means of creating in Great Britain 


an industrial crisis of such a magnitude that a 
revolution will be practically inevitable. This is 
the immediate problem of the revolutionary move- 
ment here. How will this crisis be brought about? 
A very significant quotation has already been 

"Want and opinion are the two agents which 
make all men act. Cause the want, govern the 
opinions, and you will overturn all the existing 
systems, however well consolidated these may 

This is sound revolutionary doctrine. Now, the 
whole case for Marxism rests on the entire break- 
up of the existing social order. Marx himself 
believed that this would be brought about by 
hunger and want driving the masses into a violent 
revolution. The theory was that the development 
of the capitalist system would be in the direction 
of an ever- widening gulf between the rich and the 
poor. He wrote that "the rich are getting richer, 
the poor poorer, the middle class is being crushed 
out," and he predicted that the condition of the 
workers would become worse until they were 
driven by sheer desperation to revolution. "Then 
the knell of the capitalistic system will have 


sounded. The producers will assert themselves 
under the pressure of an irresistible impulse ; they 
will repossess themselves of the implements of 
production of which they have been so long 

These predictions of Marx have been falsified 
by events. The extreme poverty and sufferings 
of the workers, on which his anticipations were 
based, have not been experienced, least of all in 
this country. The British worker has, on the 
whole, greatly improved his economic position 
since Marx made his predictions. And this com- 
parative prosperity of the British worker is the 
greatest obstacle, not only to a revolution in this 
country, but to the world revolution planned by 
the foreign revolutionaries. It is admitted by 
Trotsky and by Dr. Hermann Gorter, author of 
The World Revolution, that their plans for a world- 
wide revolution cannot be successful so long as 
there is a united British Empire. This was also 
the opinion of Karl Marx. 

The problem of the international organizers of 
revolution consists of (i) how to destroy Britain's 
industrial prosperity, and (2) how to break up the 
British Empire. The first of these objects is to be 
realized by strikes, the reduction of output, and by 


constant demands for higher wages until the profits 
of each industry are absorbed by Labour. The 
second object is to be attained by supporting and 
organizing rebellions and insurrections in various 
parts of the Empire. The cimiulative effect of this 
policy, if successful, would certainly be extreme 
poverty and suffering for the masses, and a "revo- 
lutionary situation" would undoubtedly exist. 
If at the same time opinion were properly con- 
trolled it woiild be possible to overthrow the exist- 
ing social order, and to set up a Dictatorship of the 
kind advocated by the International Socialists. 
In the International publications of the Bolsheviks, 
which are widely circulated in this country, will 
be found proposals for the destruction of our in- 
dustries, the break-up of the Empire, and for the 
control of opinion by a Minority acting as a Dic- 
tatorship. In this effort to bring about a revolu- 
tion all sorts of methods are proposed. A writer in 
the Worker^ the organ of the Scottish Workers' 
Committees, states: 

"It must not be supposed that, though we pin 
great faith in improved industrial organization, 
we are industrial absolutists, relying on industrial 
action alone to bring about the workers* emancipa- 
tion. As Karl Radek so finely puts it: 'Victory 


has got to be earned by a daily combat with the 
bourgeoisie on all the domains of social life, a com- 
bat developing finally into direct revolutionary 
strife, class against class.' The industrial weapon 
will have to be supplemented by other weapons 
evolved by the workers as the struggle increases in 
intensity. The strike, supplemented by the other 
weapons, will have to be used against the State, as 
well as against the employers, until the Capitalist 
State has been brought to the ground and the 
workers, under the shield of the proletarian dic- 
tatorship, are biiilding up the new Communist 
Republic." (The Worker, June 12, 1920.) 

What the Jew, Karl Radek, means is indicated 
in an article he has recently written for the Call, 
the organ of the British Socialist Party — a party of 
which the members in London are mainly foreign 
Jews, as any one can see who attends a London 
meeting of the party. In this article, Radek states 
that if Great Britain does not come to terms with 
the Soviet Government, the British Empire will be 
attacked by the Bolsheviks at its most vulnerable 
point — India. The quotation the Worker gives 
from Radek recalls the boast of the "Elders of 
Zion" that they have instilled class hatred into 
the peoples. 

The revolutionaries in Great Britain, acting on 


instructions from the International at Moscow, 
profess to believe that the capitalist system cannot 
recover from the economic effects of the war, and 
they quote in support of this conclusion a book. 
Capitalism Today, by Ernst Kahn, an American 
Marxist. This book is very popular with the 
Marxian economic classes, and a cheap edition is 
shortly to be published by Charles Kerr, publisher 
for the American Socialists. Under the economic 
crisis that is developing, the workers will be driven 
"to rebel against the whole rSgime, and will sub- 
stitute their own power. It is here that the func- 
tion of the Communist arises. The workers, as a 
whole, rebel against a regime of which they feel 
the pricks, without any preconceived doctrinaire 
theory. It is the business of the Communist to 
guide their movements into its realization in the 
dictatorship of the proletariat." 

This advice is, we find, generally acted upon in 
Labour disputes in this country. For instance, in 
an article on the gas strike at Manchester, in the 
Workers' Dreadnought, July 17th, 1920, it is stated 
that "Communists ought to be on the spot wher- 
ever such spontaneous revolts occur, doing vital 
propaganda, endeavouring to communistically 
educate discontent." 


The writer goes on to express satisfaction with 
this strike, and states that this working-class 
power "if used in the general strike would bring, 
not merely a wage increase for a few, or all, but 
create in the industrial world right and ripe condi- 
tions for full proletarian control." 


In every part of the country we find that the In- 
ternational Revolutionaries desire to control and 
direct Labour unrest and discontent. They have 
a general contempt for the intelligence of the 
masses, and assume that they wiU never go in the 
right direction without their guidance. This con- 
tempt for public opinion is fully expressed by Mr. 
G. D. H. Cole in his book, The World of Labour, 
p. 34. 

"For if there can be greater dishonesty in en- 
visaging the problem, a greater refusal to face the 
facts, than that which the aspiring politician has to 
learn, it is assuredly to be found in the narrowness, 
egoism, and intellectual indolence that characterize 
the great British public. If the industrial revolu- 
tion has turned the worker into a mere producing 
machine, it has quite equally turned the public 
into a mass of mere consumers, with consciences 
always in their pockets and brains nowhere or 
directed to anything rather than the social ques- 
tion. In this country, at least, it is useless to 

IS 335 


invoke public opinion, because it is selfish, unen- 
lightened, and vindictive." 

How this direction of the workers towards re- 
volution is to be secured is explained in the Call 
of May 20, 1920, in an article on "Communist 
Organization." The Call is the oflQcial organ of the 
British SociaHst Party (London), and Tchicherin, 
Litvinov, Fineberg, and other members of the 
Soviet Government were active members of the 
B.S.P. when Hving in London. Karl Radek, Clara 
Zetkin (German Spartacists), N. Osinsky, and 
many other Jewish revolutionaries of the Con- 
tinent are frequent contributors to it. The party 
is affiUated to the Third International, and the 
letter from Lenin to the British Workers, brought 
by Messrs. Shaw and Turner, was directed to the 
B.S.P., and contained a covering letter on behalf 
of Lenin, signed by Marcel Rosenberg. 

The article referred to outlines the methods to 
be adopted by the revolutionaries to prepare the 
Labour movement for the coming revolution. The 
writer describes the working-class organizations 
as in the main "like rudderless craft in conflicting 
currents. The mission of the Communist is to 
supply the rudder." 


*' During the stormy period of transition from 
Capitalism to Socialism, we shall require new 
machinery of government and production. May 
it not be that we can use the Trade Unions as our 
machinery of production, and the Co-operative 
movement as the framework of our machinery of 

"We need a revolutionary Communist group in 
every Trade Union branch, in every local Labour 
Party, on every committee of management of a 
Co-operative Society; responsible directly to the 
branch of the Party in that locality, guiding the 
mass of the workers into the Communist path, pre- 
paring for the day when the existing machinery 
of society is no longer adequate to carry out the 
desires of the people. 

"By these means the existing working-class 
organizations can be made to serve the purpose of 
the revolutionary proletariat. Each branch of the 
Party shoiild co-ordinate the activities of these or- 
ganizations in its area and render periodical reports 
to Party headquarters. Headquarters would thus 
become the real nerve-centre of Communist propa- 
ganda. By this means, in a short time it would be 
possible to ensure the election of Communists to 
all executive and organizing posts in the Trade 
Unions and the Labour Party. 

"At the same time, recruiting should be pro- 
ceeded with from the point of view of attracting 
to our Party the flower of the proletariat. If a 


young man of promise is elected as branch secre- 
tary or shop-steward in a Trade Union, he should 
become the objective of intensive personal propa- 
ganda to convert him to our ideals. By thus 
supplying the bulk of the acknowledged leaders 
of the working class, it would follow that the 
lead of the Communist Party would be in- 
stinctively followed in a time of crisis. Wherever 
workers meet to discuss wages or the conditions of 
existence, there should be found a group of com- 
rades ready to help them in their immediate aims, 
and at the same time point to the root cause of all 
their grievances and suffering in order to make 
them realize that only with the overthrow of 
CapitaUsm can their conditions be permanently 
bettered. . . . 

"It is at least certain, however, that only by 
becoming the leaders and guiding force of such 
organizations as exist today can the Communist 
and the revolutionary tomorrow hope to carry with 
them the mass of the proletariat. 

"Close up the ranks, comrades!" 

In the same issue is an article by Otto Maschl, 
reproduced from Le Bulletin Communiste, on the 
function of Workers' Councils, in which he de- 
scribes them as "revolutionary ante-chambers." 
"They are the touchstones, which constantly 
excite the hatred of the bourgeoisie, even if they 


are not at all inspired with revolutionary senti- 
ments. For they are the most suitable instruments 
for keeping alive the class war." 

The aims of these organizers of revolution are 
revealed in an article by Clara Zetkin, specially 
written for the Call of April 29, 1920. This writer 
is a Jewess, and has taken the place of Rosa Luxem- 
bourg as a leader of the German Communists. In 
this article she describes the progress the Inter- 
national Revolutionaries are now making. 

"Over Italy roar the thunders of the coming 
storm; in France there is sheet-lightning; storms 
rage through the proud Empire of Great Britain. 
In England and Scotland growing masses of 
workers unite round the Socialist, the Communist, 
flag. Ireland, Egypt, and India are in revolt. The 
wage slaves in the United States muster for the 
class struggle; their strikes become greater and 
greater in extent, more important, and take a 
revolutionary character. The international situa- 
tion, in consequence of the diplomatic squabbling 
among the Allied Powers for the booty of the world 
war, is rich in conflicts, pregnant with future wars. 
Here, too, the economic basis of Capitalist order, 
class antagonism, and class struggles, grow in 
intensity and bitterness. From beneath the 
volcanic depths of Society rises Socialism, Com- 


She goes on to call not for resolutions but for 
mass action. 

"Now the battle between workers and bourgeois 
is no longer one for reforms in the Capitalist order, 
its aim is to overthrow, to subdue this order. Capi- 
talism or Socialism and Communism is the battle- 
cry. No resolutions on paper must be the aim, but 
the living, powerful action of the working masses." 

She concludes by appealing to the British 
workers to rally "to the red banner of the Third 
International, " and sends them greetings from the 
Communists of "Germany in revolution." 

In the Socialist, the organ of the Socialist Labour 
Party (Glasgow), which is affiliated to the Third 
International and provides nearly all the strike 
leaders on the Clyde, there appeared on April 
22, 1920, a statement from the Communist Bureau 
at Amsterdam urging the workers in Great Britain 
to strike on May Day. The appeal is signed by 
H. Roland Hoist. In the course of this statement 
it is declared that "a real peace" with the Soviet 
Republic of Russia "is impossible under Capital- 
ism." "A real peace for Russia means the victory 
of the World Revolution, and nothing less." He 
advises other coimtries to strive towards Soviet 


"This inspiring aim we must always have in 
mind in all our deeds, in all our actions. We must 
fill our heads with revolutionary thoughts, we 
must be willing to destroy the weapons of oiur 
enemies. . . . AU this we can only achieve in a 
constant fight with our exploiters, by giving this 
fight a general revolutionary character. It means 
a complete break with bourgeois civiHzation, bour- 
geois morals, bourgeois supremacy. It means 
Labour as the basic principle of social and moral 
life. . . . The outward fagade of the bourgeois 
state of society still exists, but it may fall to pieces 
at any moment, although a long and severe struggle 
will doubtless be necessary, as much to finally 
crush the bourgeoisie as to affect in the mass of the 
people the moral and intellectual transformation 
that will make them able to institute the Com- 
munist Commonwealth, and render them fit to 
Hve in it. We may be convinced that any little 
thing, an indifferent circumstance, may now at 
any moment, by causing the countless elements of 
the new revolutionary consciousness floating all 
over the world to unite into a new body and mani- 
fest themselves with unexpected force, be the 
instigator of renewed strife and promiseful up- 
heaval. . . . The times for the passing of Capital- 
ism are ripe, and any dead calm may be the 
foreboder of new social storms unexpectedly 

"Prompted by these considerations," the Am- 


sterdam Bureau urges the workers' organizations 
to be prepared for action and to strike on May Day 
1920, "in favour of Soviet Russia." 

The Executive of the Amsterdam Sub-Bureau 
of the Third International is one of the chief 
foreign influences that affect our revolutionary 
societies. The manifestoes of this Bureau are 
signed by D. J. Wynkoop, Henrietta Roland Hoist, 
and G. J. Rutgers. In the B.S.P. organ, the Call 
of April I, 1920, there is a long manifesto from this 
Bureau entitled "German Revolution: An Appeal 
to the British, French, and Belgian Proletariat." 
After condemning the Allies for their treatment of 
Germany, it bursts into exhortations. 

"Workers of the Entente! Loudly proclaim 
your solidarity with the German revolution! 
Compel your Governments to withdraw the troops 
from the occupied territory. Rail way men! Re- 
fuse to allow the transport of any troops or any 
arms or munitions to Germany. All of you answer 
any attempt on the part of your Governments to 
strangle the German revolution by extending and 
intensifying your own revolutionary activity. " 

The writers of this manifesto compliment the 
British Proletariat on the magnificent meetings 


of the "Hands off Russia" Committee, and they 
state that the revolutions in various countries are 
part of one revolution, the Social Revolution. The 
"fate of the European Revolution depends on 
you," they write, and conclude with "Hurrah for 
the Communist Revolution in Germany ! Hurrah 
for the Worid Revolution, the Universal Soviet 

In an article by Dr. Hermann Gorter written 
for Data (February, 1920), the "organ of the 
Socialist Information and Research Bureau" 
(Scotland), he specially appeals to the British 
workers to lead the European Revolution — the 
English proletariat "must place itself at the head 
of the proletariat in Western Europe. " " The fate 
of the world revolution, the fate of humanity, lies 
in the hands of the English workers." 

Among the supporters of this Bolshevist cam- 
paign against the British Empire is Mr. E. D. 
Morel, of the notorious Union of Democratic 
Control. Writing in Foreign Affairs, the organ of 
the U.D.C., for June, 1920, Mr. Morel discusses 
"The Why and the Wherefore of the War against 
Russia." The British attack on the Bolsheviks is, 
according to Mr. Morel, inspired by fear of the 
result of a strong Socialist State in Russia. 


"The advent of a great Socialist State in Europe 
is a solvent of Empire. Empire — the dominion 
over many nationally conscious peoples by a single 
aHen people — and Socialism are irreconcilable 
factors. They are mutually destructive. The 
Imperialists who presently govern the British 
Empire and who contemplate the consequences 
of the triumphant emergence of a great Socialist 
State in the geographical position of Russia — half 
European, half .\siatic — are not thinking in terms 
of Britain when they seek to prevent such a con- 
summation. Ihey are thinking in terms of the 
British !3Jmpire." 

After stating that British capital has nothing 
"to fear from the growth to adolescence of a Rus- 
sian Socialist State, " because Lenin is willing to 
give us trading concessions if we will make peace 
with him, he says: "But British Imperialism has 
everything to fear from the survival of Soviet 

' ' The hear!; of the British Empire beats in Asia — 
I speak, not of the Commonwealth, but of the 
Empire. . . . The Russian mind knows how to 
read the Asiatic mind. Picture Russia a Socialist 
State, freed from her external foes, flanked by a 
series of racially alien or poHtically allied — some- 
times both — ^lesser States, not in Europe only but 


in Asia, States enjo3dn^' full autonomy, permeated 
with Socialist ideals and precepts and practices 
radiating from a centre where education and 
science have been elevated into fine arts, where the 
treasures of knowledge, the accumulated learning 
of the ages are thrown open to all, made accessible 
to the humblest citizen. Picture Russia thus — 
then look at India, Persia, Afghanistan, Burma, 
under present conditions. Need you ask why 
British Imperialism shrinks at the prospect and 
fears; fears unutterably as it scans the future?" 

Mr. Morel goes on to declare that British Im- 
perialism is today more unyielding and intolerant 
in consequence of the "very magnitude of its 
successes in the war, " which have intoxicated it. 
"It has become a mihtarist Imperialism as it never 
was before." Lenin and Trotsky have discredited 
Western diplomacy, and "the dangers to be 
apprehended from the future are so enormous for 
the existing Order that the Russian wreckers of 
the occult power which rules the people's lives 
must be broken." Morel therefore concludes that 
British Imperialism is fighting the Bolsheviks 
because it "knows its very existence is at 

These statements from Morel resemble those of 


Trotsky and Radek on attacking the British Em- 
pire in Asia. 

The "Elders of Zion " used "anarchy as a means 
to an end." This view is supported by the mani- 
festo of the Executive Committee of the Third 
International, published in the Call of April 22, 
1920, and signed by G. Zinoviev. This manifesto 
states that the revolutionary forces in France, 
America, England, and Germany are growing, and 
"Anarcho-SociaHst bodies and those individuals 
who till now claimed to be orthodox anarchists, 
mix themselves up with the others in the general 
current. The Executive Committee of the Third 
International welcomes this most cordially." After 
explaining how Syndicalists and Anarchists, being 
opposed to Parliaments, may help on the world 
revolution, the Committee declare that "the 
botirgeois State, its Kings, Presidents, Parliaments, 
Constituent Assemblies, etc., are our deadly ene- 
mies and must be crushed." They point out that 
it is possible at times to further the revolution in a 
cotmtry by participating in political action, and 
they instance Liebknecht in Germany and Hog- 
lund in Sweden. The latter, * * utiHzing Parliament, 
precipitated the collapse of Parliamentism. No- 
body has ever done more than he in Sweden for the 


Revolution." The same again in Bulgaria, where 
the " Communists also used the pulpit of Par- 
liament for the propagation of the ideas of the 
Commimist Revolution." These revolutionaries 
are to enter Parliament with the intention of 
getting "into closest touch with its machinery, 
and then put spokes in its wheels." 

Conditions in England, France, and America 
are not yet ripe for the overthrow of the State. 
In these countries "there have been very few 
individuals who could be said to resemble 
the Russian Bolsheviks or the German Spar- 
tacists." So the Committee at Moscow advise 
that : 

"If such elements (Bolsheviks and Spartacists) 
increase in numbers and strength, everything may 
get changed. At first it is necessary: (i) The 
centre of gravity of the struggle must be outside of 
Parliaments (strikes, revolts, insurrections, etc.); 
(2) the struggle inside the Parliaments must be 
closely connected with the struggle outside; (3) 
the representatives must take part in general or- 
ganization work; (4) the representatives must act 
by directions of the Central Committee and be 
responsible to it ; (5) they must not conform to the 
Parliamentary manners and customs." 


The manifesto concludes with the following 
interesting instructions: 

"We have to state again that the most vital 
part of the struggle must be outside of Parliament 
— on the street. It is clear that the most effective 
weapons of the workers against Capitalism are: 
The strike, the revolt, armed insurrection. Com- 
rades have to keep in mind the following: Or- 
ganization of the Party, instalment of the Party- 
groups in the Trade Unions, leadership of the 
masses, etc. Parliamentary activities and partici- 
pation in elections must be used only as a second- 
ary measure — no more." 

{Call, April 22, 1920.) 

This manifesto also appeared in the Socialist 
(Glasgow) and other Bolshevist papers in this 
country. The National Council of Shop Stewards' 
and Workers' Committees, a body affiliated to the 
Moscow International, is canying out these Mos- 
cow Instructions on the industrial side. 

Confirmation of the anti-Christian nature of 
the Jewish secret organizations described earlier 
in this book is foimd in an article in the Call of 
April I, 1920. An article entitled "Man has 
Arisen!" by John Bryan, describing the new 
*' light in the East" — Bolshevism — says: 


"The pagan world could not have been worse 
than this world of Christianity. Only it had no 
bishops to preach from the pulpits the Easter lie, 
and to administer 'opium' to the masses, as the 
Bolshevik inscription on one of Moscow's church 
gates boldly puts it." 

But "a new light has arisen in the East, and not 
a will o' the wisp, a Hght that reveals the truth, 
and shows the road, that inspires hope and con- 
fidence, that warms and encourages, that adds to 
the strength of the body and the soul . . . Russia 
led by the Bolsheviks, Russia guided by the 
transcendent genius of Lenin, and assisted by a 
host of workers with Trotsky, the incomparable 
organizer, at their head — this Russia has been the 
saviour of the world, its redeemer from cynicism, 
scepticism, and demoralization which had been 
gnawing at its very vitals, threatening destruction 
and death. ' ' For this part Russia has been * ' cruci- 
fied by the capitalist Powers, " and she is bleeding 
from every pore. "But, unlike Christ, she did 
not weep bloody tears out of pity for herself when 
making up her mind rather to be crucified than to 
betray the trust which history had placed in her 
hands ; nor is she likely to die on the cross before 
she accomplishes her mission . . . she Uves, and 


gives life, and, soon, she will descend from the cross 
and cry out to the world : ' Man has risen ! '" 

In the study of the revolutionary movement 
in this country, it is important to note how it is 
guided by the writings of foreign revolutionaries, 
mainly Jews. The following are only a few of the 
more prominent and frequent foreign contributors 
to the Bolshevist Press in Great Britain, whose 
books and articles are largely circulated in this 
coimtry in connection with the Marxian economic 
classes, and for the purpose of revolutionary 
propaganda. The works of Marx and Engels are, 
of course, textbooks in all classes nm by the 
Labour College Movement and by the Bolshevist 

The articles of Lenin and Trotsky are published 
regularly in the Call, the Socialist, the Workers' 
Dreadnought, the Worker, and other Bolshevist 
papers. Bela Kim is also another frequent con- 
tributor to British Bolshevism, and he writes to 
the current issue of the Workers' Dreadnought 
suggesting that the "Hands off Russia" Com- 
mittee "should be used for Bolshevist ends in the 
home movement." Dr. Hermann Gorter also 
writes regularly for papers in London and Glas- 
gow, and his book. The World Revolution, published 


by the Socialist Information and Research Bureau 
(Glasgow), is on sale at most revolutionary meet- 
ings in London and the provinces. The following 
may be mentioned as International Revolutionary- 
leaders who contribute to the movement in this 

N. Hoglund, of Sweden; Lucien Deslini^res, of 
France; N. Bucharin, of Moscow, author of the 
Programme of the World Revolution; Clara Zetkin, 
Jewess and leader of the German Communist 
Party; M. I. Kalinin, chairman of All-Russian 
Central Executive of Committee of Soviets; Karl 
Radek, of Moscow; Sadoul, Souvarine, Shumi- 
atzki, I. Marchlevski (Karski), Alexandre Kolon- 
tay, Russian Soviet Commissary for Social Welfare. 

We have now concluded our inquiry into the 
cause of world imrest, and it is for our readers to 
judge how far it provides an explanation of the 
revolutionary movements which are disturbing 
alike the faith of Christian men and women and 
the whole system of government on which Western 
civilization has been built up. The famous proto- 
cols may or may not be genuine, but even the most 
sceptical must admit that they are the abstract of 
a philosophy which may be devilish, but which is 
certainly coherent, and that in many important 


points they not only anticipate, but explain, some 
of the ills from which the world is at present suffer- 
ing. It is the element of time which is inclined to 
prejudice the Western, particularly the English, 
reader against them. Can it be possible that any 
body of men can seriously commit themselves to a 
plot which is to be worked out not in years but in 
centuries, and the fruits of which they themselves 
can never gather? But it must be remembered 
that the whole idea is Eastern, and in the East 
they still think in centuries. A child with difficulty 
can span the period of a week, the ordinary Eng- 
lishman that of a decade. But an EngHshman who 
has lived long in the East has quite a different 
conception of time, and would not find the long 
roll of years between the prophecy and its fruition 
a ban to belief. Therefore, let the scoffers re- 
member that all periods of time are relative, and 
that to some a thousand years may be as a day. 

In the first part of this book, the doctrines and 
programme of revolutionary Freemasonry were 
described and the liaison between them and the 
protocols examined. In later chapters, modem 
revolutionary phenomena were considered in the 
light of the plot revealed earHer. Can we trace a 
connection between the two? Our readers must 


decide for themselves on the evidence submitted 
to them. It has been shown that the Continental 
Freemasons were primarily responsible for the 
revolutions in Turkey and Portugal, and that in 
the former at least, the Jews had a prominent share 
in this Masonic conspiracy. When the Bolsheviks 
seized power in Moscow — and we gave a table 
showing that the vast majority of them were Jews 
— the propaganda of Litvinov, Radek, and com- 
pany took the place to a considerable extent of the 
subterranean Masonic activities and the threads 
of the plot were therefore easier to trace. For 
example, we showed how this Bolshevist-Jewish 
gang tried to take control of the Governments of 
Prussia, Bavaria, and Hungary. 

We also drew attention to the secret influences 
working in Paris during the Peace Conference, to 
the curious fact that the principle of self-deter- 
mination, so dangerous at present to the authority 
of the British Empire, was common to both Wil- 
sonism and Leninism, and that Poland, which 
both Jews and Germans fear, was left economically 
and strategically weak by the Conference and, 
along with Hungary, has been malevolently at- 
tacked by the forces of International Labour 
working imder Bolshevist direction. Finally, we 


sought to trace a link between the conspiracy and 
some of the agitations which are at present gravely 
threatening the security of the British Empire. 

Throughout this book we have referred to the 
menace which this conspiracy constitutes not only 
to civilized government but to the Christian faith. 
It is indeed clear that never in its history has that 
faith had to imdergo so organized and sustained 
an attack. Men's thoughts are continually being 
concentrated on things material, on the inequali- 
ties of wealth, on mean and trivial pleasures, and 
are being told that the cure for all their ills Hes not 
in themselves but in a peculiar form of government. 
The Bolsheviks know perfectly well that their 
cause can make no lasting progress unless it first 
gets rid of Christianity with its superb indifference 
to the things on which the world sets such store. 
Therefore it may be taken as certain that these 
attacks will be redoubled. And therein perhaps 
lies the surest proof of the ultimate failure of 
Bolshevism. For to the peoples of Western 
Europe, whether they are conscious of it or not, 
Christianity is still the beacon that will guide them 
out of the slough of despond in which they now 
groan. If that light were extinguished, they might 
well say of the world what Montaigne thought of it 


when he lost his friend : " Ce n'est quefumee, ce n'est 
gu'une nuit obscurS et ennuyeuse." Do the Bol- 
sheviks honestly beHeve that they can conquer two 


To the Editor oj the "Morning Post" 

"Sir, — Will you allow me to add another link 
to the very valuable chain of evidence set forth in 
your columns on the question of Secret Societies 
and World Revolution? This is the organization 
known as the Alta Vendita or Haute Vente Ro- 
maine, which originated with the Carbonari early 
in the nineteenth century. Monseigneur Dillon, 
in his remarkable series of lectures deUvered in 
Edinburgh in 1884, traced the origin of the Car- 
bonari back to the lUuminati of Bavaria. The 
Carbonari, however, did not begin as a revolu- 
tionary body; its founders were Royalists and 
Catholics who, deluded as to the real aims of 
Illuminism, followed the precedent laid down by 
Weishaupt of taking Christ as their Grand Master. 
But before long the adepts of revolutionary 
masonry invaded their ranks and obtained the 
mastery over the whole association. 

"As soon as, perhaps sooner than, Weishaupt 
had passed away, the supreme government of all 
the secret societies of the world was exercised by 
the Alta Vendita or highest lodge of the Italian 



Carbonari. . . . The permanent instruction of 
this body to its adepts consists mainly in war on 
the papacy, but it also admits : ' Our final end is 
that of Voltaire and the French Revolution, the 
destruction of Catholicism, and even of the Chris- 
tian idea.'" 

The Alta Vendita was thus a direct continuation 
of the Illuminati, and in accordance with the 
custom of their German predecessors, its members 
all elected to be known by pseudonyms. Thus as 
Weishaupt had taken the name of Spartacus, 
Clootz that of Anacharsis, and Babeuf that of 
Gracchus, the head of the Order, a corrupt ItaHan 
nobleman, is only known to us as Nubius. This 
young man, rich, handsome, eloquent, and ab- 
solutely reckless, was "a visionary with an id6e 
fixe, that of elevating a pedestal to his own vanity." 
But it was not in the band of dissolute young 
Italians he gathered around him, but in his Jewish 
aUies that Nubius found his principal support. 

The documents of the Alta Vendita, afterwards 
brought to light, revealed, says Monseigneur 
Dillon, that: 

"his fiinds for canying on the deep and dark 
conspiracy in which he and his confederates were 
engaged came chiefly from rich German Jews. 


Jews, in fact, from the commencement played 
always a prominent part in the conspiracies of 
Atheism. They do so still. Piccolo Tigre, who 
seems to have been the most active agent of Nu- 
bius, was a Jew. He travelled under the appear- 
ance of an itinerant banker and jeweller. This 
character of money-lender disarmed suspicion. . . . 
Of course he had the protection of the Masonic 
lodges everywhere. The most desperate revolu- 
tionaries were generally the most desperate scoun- 
drels, otherwise they were gamblers, spendthrifts, 
and the very class with which a usurious Jew would 
be expected to have money deaHngs. Piccolo 
Tigre thus travelled safely and brought safely to 
the lodges of the Carbonari such instructions as the 
Alta Vendita thought proper to give." 

Piccolo Tigre was only one of many Jews em- 
ployed by the Haute Vente; others of his race 
worked for the conspiracy in Germany, Hungary, 
Portugal, and kept up a regular correspondence 
with Nubius. How far were these men acting 
merely as the agents of their Italian chief? Or 
were they animated by some ulterior aim? The 
author of the articles now appearing in the Morn- 
ing Post has indicated the possibility of a Jewish 
conspiracy running through Freemasonry, and Mon- 
seigneur Dillon propounds the same hypothesis. 


"Monseigneur de Segur," he writes, "connects 
modern Freemasonry with Jews and Templars. 
. . . There are reasons which lead me to think 
he may be right in doing so. The Jews for many 
centuries before the Reformation had formed secret 
societies for their protection and the destruction of 
Christianity which persecuted them and which 
they so much hated. The rebuilding of the Temple 
of Solomon was the dream of their lives. ... It 
is therefore not improbable that they admitted 
into their secret conclaves some at least of the dis- 
contented Templars burning for revenge upon 
those who dispossessed and suppressed the Order. 
That fact would account for the curious combina- 
tion of Jewish and conventional allusions to be 
found in modern Masonry. . . . 

"The Jewish formulas employed by Masonry, 
the Jewish traditions which nm through its cere- 
monial, point to a Jewish origin or to the work of 
Jewish contrivers. It is easy to conceive how such 
a society could be thought necessary to protect 
them from Christianity in power. It is easy also 
to understand how the one darling object of their 
lives is the rebuilding of the Temple. Who knows 
but behind the Atheism and desire of gain which 
impels them to urge on Christians to persecute the 
Church and destroy it, there lies a hidden hope to 
reconstruct their Temple, and at the darkest 
depths of secret-society plotting, there lurks a 
deeper society still which looks to a return to the 


land of Juda and to the rebuilding of the Temple of 

Whether, therefore, as M. Cretineau Joly sug- 
gests, Nubius made use of Judaic hatred of Chris- 
tianity for the purpose of the Haute Vente, or 
whether the Jews made use of the Haute Vente to 
further their own cause, it cannot be denied that 
Jews played an important part in secret societies 
at this period. Piccolo Tigre at any rate seems to 
have occupied a position of considerable authority, 
for on January i8, 1822, we find him issuing in- 
structions to the Haute Vente Piedmontaise in 
these words : 

"All Italy is covered with religious confraterni- 
ties and with penitents of diverse colours. Do not 
fear to slip some of your people into the very midst 
of these flocks, led, as they are, by a stupid de- 
votion. . . . Gather together in one place or 
another — ^in the sacristies or chapels even — these 
tribes of yours, as yet ignorant; put them imder 
the pastoral^ staff of some virtuous priest, well- 
known but credulous, and easy to be deceived. 
Then infiltrate the poison into those chosen hearts; 
infiltrate it in little doses and as if by chance. 
Afterwards, upon reflection, you will yourselves be 
astonished at your success. 


"The essential thing is to isolate a man from his 
family, to cause him to lose his morals. He is 
sufficiently disposed by the bent of his character 
to flee from household cares and to run after easy 
pleasures and forbidden joys. He likes long talks 
in the cafes, the idleness of spectacles. Lead him 
along, sustain him, give him an importance of 
some kind, teach him discreetly to weary of his 
daily labours, and by this manoeuvre, after having 
separated him from his wife and children, and 
having shown him how painful are all duties, you 
will inculcate in him the desire of another existence. 
Man is a bom rebel. Stir up the desire of rebellion 
until it becomes a conflagration, but in such a 
manner that the conflagration does not break out. 
This is a preparation for the great work that you 
have to begin. 

"When you have insinuated into a few souls 
disgust for family and for religion (the one nearly 
always follows in the wake of the other), let fall 
certain words which will provoke the desire of 
being affiliated to the nearest lodge. This vanity 
of the citizen or of the bourgeois for being enrolled 
in Freemasonry is something so hanal and so uni- 
versal that I am always full of admiration for 
human stupidity. I am not surprised to see the 
whole world knocking at the door of all the Ven- 
erables and asking these gentlemen for the honour 
of being one of the workmen chosen for the re- 
construction of the Temple of Solomon. ... To 


find yourself a member of a lodge, to feel yourself, 
apart from your wife and children, called upon to 
guard a secret which is never confided to you, is for 
certain natures a delight and an ambition. . . . 
It is upon the lodges that we count to double our 
ranks. They form without knowing it our pre- 
paratory novitiate. They discourse without end 
upon the dangers of fanaticism, upon the happi- 
ness of social equaHty, and upon the grand prin- 
ciples of religious liberty. They launch amidst 
their feastings thundering anathemas against in- 
tolerance and persecution. This is positively more 
than we require to make adepts." 

It was thus that in 1822 as in 1789 the con- 
spirators found their dupes in the ranks of Masonry 
but, as Monseigneur Dillon points out : 

"beyond the Masons, though generally formed 
from them, lay the deadly secret conclave which 
. . . used and directed them for the ruin of the 
world and their own selves." 

This, then, was the secret force at work beneath 
the surface during the period usually represented 
to us as the dawn of Socialism. Many of the men 
who have gone down to history as the early 
Socialists, "champions of liberty," and so forth, 
went to the Haute Vente for guidance; Saint 


Simon, Bazard, Buonarotti consulted Nubius 
"after the manner of a Delphic oracle." From 
Russia Colonel Oestel, one of the principal leaders 
of the Dekabrist outbreak in 1825, sent to him for 
orders. Later we find Mazzini, already a Car- 
bonaro, aspiring to become a member of the Haute 
Vente — a suggestion dismissed with scorn by 
Nubius. For the methods of the Carbonari were 
not those of the Haute Vente, which held that the 
mind rather than the body should be the point of 

"The murders of which our people render them- 
selves guilty ..." writes Vindex to Nubius, "are 
for us a shame and a remorse ... we are too 
advanced to content ourselves with such means. 
. . . Our predecessors in Carbonarism did not 
understand their power. It is not in the blood of an 
isolated man or even of a traitor that it must be 
exercised; it is on the masses ... do not let us 
make martyrs, but let us popularize vice in the 
multitudes. Let them breathe it in by their five 
senses, let them drink it, let them be saturated 
in it. . . . It is corruption en masse that we have 
undertaken; the corruption of the people by the 
clergy and the corruption of the clergy by ourselves, 
the corruption that ought one day to put the 
Church in her tomb. The best dagger with which 


to strike the Church is corruption. To the work, 
then, even to the very end." 

It was thus that Mazzini excited the derision 
of the Haute Vente, for, as Nubius observed to 
Beppo, all his declamations on humanitarianism, 
and so on — 

"reduce themselves to a few miserable defeats or 
to assassinations so vulgar that I should send away 
one of my lacqueys if he permitted himself to get 
rid of one of my enemies by such shameful means. 
Mazzini is a demigod to fools by whom he tries to 
get himself proclaimed the prophet of fraternity. 
... In the sphere where he acts poor Joseph is 
only ridiculous; in order to be a complete wild 
beast he will always want for claws. He is the 
bourgeois gentilhomme of the secret societies." 

Mazzini on his part suspected that secrets were 
being kept from him by the chiefs of the Haute 
Vente, and Malegari, assailed by the same fears, 
wrote from London to Dr. Breidenstein these 
significant words : 

"We form an association of brothers in all points 
of the globe, we have desires and interests in 
common, we aim at the emancipation of humanity, 
we wish to break every kind of yoke, yet there is 


one that is unseen, that can hardly be felt, yet that 
weighs on us. Whence comes it? Where is it? 
No one knows, or at least no one tells. The asso- 
ciation is secret, even for us, the veterans of secret 

Here, then, we catch a glimpse of the mechanism 
of revolution — the Socialists and Anarchists Hke 
animated marionettes waving their arms, de- 
claiming, and all the while pulled by wires from 
behind, held in the hands of their sinister directors. 
Doubtless the Socialists imagined that they made 
the revolution of 1 848 . Piccolo Tigre can enlighten 
us further on this point. On January 5, 1846, he 
writes to Nubius : 

"The journey I have just accomplished in 
Europe has been as fortunate and as productive 
as I had hoped. Henceforth nothing remains but 
to put our hand to the task in order to reach the 
dSnotiement of the comedy. . . . The harvest I 
have reaped has been abundant . . . and if I can 
believe the news commtmicated to me here (at 
Livomo) we are approaching the epoch we so 
much desire. The fall of thrones is no longer a 
matter of doubt to me now that I have just studied 
the work of our societies in France, in Switzerland, 
in Germany, and as far as Russia. The assault 


which in a few years, and perhaps even in a few 
months from now, will be made on the princes of 
the earth will bury them beneath the wreckage of 
their impotent armies and their decrepit thrones. 
. . . What have we asked in return for our 
labours and sacrifices? It is not a revolution in 
one country or another. That can always be 
managed if one wishes it. In order to kill the old 
world surely, we have held that we must stifle 
the Catholic and Christian germ, and you with the 
audacity of genius have offered yourself with the 
sling of a new David to hit on the head the ponti- 
fical Goliath." 

Two years later the revolution broke out in 
Paris, and as every book of history will tell us, was 
openly directed by the secret societies. The con- 
nection between these underground conspiracies 
and the second great outbreak of world revolution 
is therefore not a matter of surmise but of historical 
fact. — Yours, etc., 

Nesta H. Webster. 

P.S. — The correspondence of the Haute Vente 
quoted above is taken from L'Eglise Romaine en 
face de la Revolution, by J. Cretineau Joly, who 
published them from the archives of the Haute 


To the Editor of the "Morning Post" 

Sir, — In the fifth article of the series "Behind 
the Red Curtain" the author states that Marx 
founded the International Working Men's Asso- 
ciation. May I be allowed to point out that this 
is paying too much honour to Marx? The idea of 
an International coalition of labour originated with 
real workingmen animated by no desire for bloody 
revolution, and it was not until after the famous 
meeting at St. Martin's Hall that Marx obtained 
control of the movement. On this point we have 
the evidence of James Guillaume, the chronicler 
of the Association, who was intimately acquainted 
with its workings. "It is not true," he writes, 
"that the Internationale was the creation of Karl 
Marx. He remained completely outside the 
preparatory work that took place from 1862 to 
1864. He joined the Internationale at the moment 
when the initiative of the EngUsh and French 
workmen had just created it. Like the cuckoo, he 
came and laid his egg in a nest which was not his. 
His plan from the first day was to make the great 
workingmen 's organization the instrument of his 
personal views." {Karl Marx, Pan-Germanistey 



p. 2.) What were these views? According to M. 
Guillaume they were Pan-Germanist, and your 
correspondent has clearly indicated the support 
given by Marx to German Imperialism. But he 
also goes on to inquire whether Jewish interests 
may not have played a part in Marx's policy, and 
in this connection refers to the feud between Marx 
and Bakunin. "Can it be," he asks, "that the 
fight between Socialist and Anarchist veiled and 
covered another fight more fierce and instinctive — 
between Slav and Jew?" Now we know that 
Bakunin was strongly anti-German, and that it 
was the Germanism of Imperial Russia which 
inspired many of his diatribes against its govern- 
ment. It might therefore have been on this ac- 
count that he incurred the hostiHty of Marx. His 
attitude towards the Jews, however, is clearly 
defined in a significant passage. The letter in 
which this may be found is not included in Bakun- 
in's correspondence, and was only published for 
the first time in 191 1, so that I think it may have 
escaped the attention of your correspondent. It 
appears that Bakunin had been attacked in the 
Paris paper, he Rheil, by a German Jew named 
Maurice Hess, and it was in reply to this that 
he wrote his polemique contre les juifs in October, 
1869. But Bakunin had evidently not overestim- 
ated the power of the " formidable sect" to which 
he referred, for his letter never saw the light until 

unearthed by the pubUshers of his works forty- 


two years later. This is the passage to which I 

"I begin by begging you to believe that I am in 
no way the enemy nor the detractor of the Jews. 
Although I may be considered a cannibal, I do not 
carry savagery to that point, and I assure you 
that in my eyes all nations have their worth. Each 
is, moreover, an ethnographically historic product, 
and is consequently responsible neither for its 
faults nor its merits. It is thus that we may ob- 
serve in connection with the modern Jews that 
their nature lends itself little to frank SociaHsm. 
Their history, long before the Christian era, im- 
planted in them an essentially mercantile and 
bourgeois tendency, with the result that, considered 
as a nation, they are par excellence the exploiters of 
other men's work, and they have a natural horror 
and fear of the popular masses, whom they despise 
moreover, whether openly or in secret. The habit 
of exploitation, whilst developing the intelligence 
of the exploiters, gives it an exclusive and disas- 
trous bent and quite contrary to the interests as 
well as to the instincts of the proletariat. I know 
that in expressing with this frankness my intimate 
opinion on the Jews I expose myself to enormous 
dangers. Many people share it, but very few dare 
publicly to express it, for the Jewish sect, very 
much more formidable than that of the Jesuits, 
Catholic or Protestant, constitutes today a verita- 


ble power in Europe. It reigns despotically in com- 
merce , in the banks, and it has invaded three quarters 
of German journalism and a very con siderable por- 
tion of the journalism of other countries. Woe, then, 
to him who has the cliunsiness to displease it ! " 

In these words Bakunin expresses a profound 
truth. Few, if any, educated Jews beHeve in 
Socialism. To say this is merely to pay a tribute 
to their intelligence. The Jew is essentially aristo- 
cratic in his outlook — that is to say, he beUeves in 
government by the best men; he knows the im- 
possibiHty of mob rule, and he has learnt the lesson 
of past revolutions as we, alas ! have never learnt 
them. It is therefore probable that Marx never 
beHeved a word he wrote on the "dictatorship of 
the proletariat" and the other shibboleths he had 
filched from earHer revolutionary writers and 
which he used to stir up the workers of whom he 
made his tools. It is true that in the above quoted 
letter Bakunin specifies only "the crowd of Jewish 
pygmies" as the exploiters of the people and 
exempts from his strictures ' ' the two Jewish giants, 
Marx and Lassalle." But Bakimin did not yet 
know Marx. It was not until three years later, 
when the clique he refers to as "the German Jew 
company " had turned him out of the Internationale 


that he dimly realized the depths of Marx's perfidy. 
In the words he then wrote we see how completely 
he had been the dupe of this subtler brain. After 
paying tribute to Marx's intellect, Bakunin goes 
on to say : • 

"There was never any frank intimacy between 
us. Our temperaments did not permit of it. He 
called me a sentimental ideaHst, and he was right; 
I called him vain, perfidious, and crafty, and I was 
right too." Although Bakunin still endeavours to 
believe in Marx's entire devotion to the cause of 
the proletariat which "he never betrayed know- 
ingly," he is obliged nevertheless to add, "yet he 
compromises it immensely today by his formidable 
vanity, by his malignant character, and by his 
tendency to dictatorship even in the midst of the 
revolutionary Socialist Party." 

Whether, therefore, Marx was an agent of the 
German Government or of the "formidable sect" 
referred to by Bakunin, he was certainly never the 
representative of the workers who had started the 
Internationale. It was Marx and not the workers 
who triumphed. The Internationale perished, but 
Marx's programme survived, and has since then 
been carried out "according to plan." The 
Russian Revolution was not the outcome of the 


Russian revolutionary movement, of which the 
principal leaders were throughout the Anarchists, 
disciples of Bakunin, on whom the Bolsheviks 
turned their machine guns at the outset of their 
reign. The Irish Revolution now in progress is 
not the result of the Irish national movement ; Sinn 
Fein is merely the tool of the International or- 
ganization for carrying out the plan laid down by 
Marx. As long ago as 1870 this secret message 
was sent by Marx from London to the Inter- 
nationale in Geneva : 

1. England is the only country in which a real 
Socialistic revolution can be made. 

2. The English people cannot make this revolution. 

3. Foreigners must make it for them. 

4. The foreign members, therefore, must retain 
their seats at the London board. 

5. The point to strike at first is Ireland, and in 
Ireland they are ready to begin their work. 

This is what is happening today. The chaos 
now reigning in Ireland is simply the prelude to 
the same condition of affairs in this country. To 
cause revolution in England is the first and most 
essential point in the programme of the Interna- 
tional revolutionaries. "Every revolution on the 
Continent," said Marx, "that does not spread to 


England is a storm in a teacup." In other words, 
England is the pivot of the world's civilization. 
If England goes the whole world goes with her. 
Marx was right in his surmise; he was right, too, 
in believing that English workingmen will never 
make this revolution. "Foreigners must make it 
for them." They are making it now. Shall we 
allow them to accomplish their work? 

It seems to me, then, that the situation resolves 
itself into this. An immense revolutionary ma- 
chine exists, and has long existed, but now all the 
parts have been perfected, every cog is complete. 
Your correspondent has admirably described the 
process of its construction. Yet I do not think it 
can be ascribed to one race only ; many hands have 
worked — French, Italian, Russian, very few Eng- 
lish, but many German and Jewish — and all these 
in turn have taken part in its manipulation. But 
from 1872 onwards, this formidable engine of de- 
struction has been mainly in the hands of a section 
of Germans and Jews, and it is they who now con- 
trol its workings. The essential thing therefore is 
not merely to indicate the mechanicians, but to 
smash the machine in the interests of the whole 
human race. For this machine wiU destroy not 
only those against whom it is directed, but those 


by whom it is handled; no provision has been 
made for the recoil, and "the iron battalions of 
the proletariat," finding themselves duped, wiU 
turn in fury on the men who drove them forward 
to destruction. In warning the world of the con- 
spiracy at work, the Morning Post is rendering an 
immense service to civiHzation, and those who 
turn a deaf ear may live to repent their folly when 
they find themselves engulfed in the general chaos 
of world revolution. — Yours, etc., 

Nesta H. Webster. 

July 17th. 

Science o! Power 

Benjamin Kidd 

Author of "Social Evolution," "Principles of Western 
Civilization," etc. 

The author has grasped the fundamental 
character of the present age. He has put his 
finger on the tendencies that have imperilled 
Western civilization and has traced these to 
their source. The author crosses swords with 
many of the leaders of modern thought, and it 
is a sharp-edged weapon he wields with skill 
and power. The book is a protest against 
making the Darwinian hjrpothesis the basis 
of a science of civilization, and emphasizes the 
value, too little recognized, of social heredity. 

G. P. Putnam's Sons 

New York London 



An authentic translation of the mysterious 
material first published by Nilus in Russia 
in 1905. 

"With the present instability of 
all authority, our power will be 
more unassailable than any other, 
because it will be invisible until it 
has gained such strength that no 
cunning can undermine it'' 

— Protocol 1, 

From whatever viewpoint he regards Bol- 
shevism and present day social upheavalsj 
whatever his reactions towards " radicalism,* f 
and however little or however much Iiffl 
may place credence in the allegation that a 
vast, secret organization has for years ^|en 
plotting world control, every thinking person 
will want to read this remarkable document. 

\ ■ 

G. P. Putnam's Sons 

New York v^' London 









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